Politic : Vote of confidence, the PM in the hunt for votes
29/02/2016 11:29:21
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Haiti-Libre - Invested since Friday as Prime minister in charge to constitute a transitional government http://www.haitilibre.com/en/news-16725-haiti-flash-inauguration-of-the-prime-minister-named.html , the economist Fritz-Alphonse Jean must now make sure to get a vote of confidence in Parliament on his General Policy. A task all the more difficult, that no political group constituted in Parliament in both houses, holds an absolute majority, which will force him to negotiate with all political blocs to try to secure the 16 votes in the Senate and 60 votes in the lower house, the majority required to obtain a vote of confidence.
The Senate currently consists of 2 groups. The majority opposition group (G15) composed of 15 senators, including the President of the Upper House (who may not vote) seems acquired to the Prime Minister, which theoretically represents 14 votes. He will therefore have to convince two senators of the minority group (G9) to vote in his favor, which is not earned if the minority senators are in solidarity, the G9 having disapprove the nomination of the Prime Minister and does not intend to endorse his General Policy statement as stated by the G9 leader Sen. Youri Latortue.
The lower house is composed of 3 political blocs constituted : the majority Block "Parliamentary Alliance for Haiti" (APH) composed f 48deputies (G48), which has taken a position against the nomination of Fritz Jean as Prime Minister and accordingly against his General Policy, "The Provisional President should not choose a friend as Prime Minister he must choose a person who will carry out the elections, to complement those already begun, for the country to have a chance and be equipped with an elected president," declared Deputy Rony Célestin, President of G48.
The other two blocks together represent 44 deputies. The "Parliamentary Group at the Listening of the People" composed of 33 deputies of various trends and the" Group of independent deputies" (GPI) composed of 11 independent deputies. Here again Prime Minister Jean must try to convince of Deputies of majority group to vote for his general policy, if he wants to get the 60 votes required.
According Abel Descollines, the first Secretary of the Chamber of Deputies and member of the Group of Independent Deputies the GPI which appears as a block above the personal interests and at the services of interests of the Nation, and which does not intend to become blocking element to the vote of confidence of the General Policy of the Prime Minister, as long as the latter meets the constitutional requirements.
Education : The Digicel Foundation inaugurates 5 schools
28/02/2016 09:58:42
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Haiti-Libre - Continuing its program to build schools throughout Haiti in order to contribute to the improvement of the quality of education, the Digicel Foundation has recently proceeded to the inauguration of 5 new construction projects.
Part of first 20 schools built by the Digicel Foundation during its first year of operation, the Community School of Bigue, in the commune of Gros Morne as been rehabilitated and 3 new classrooms have been added to meet the demand of the community. The École Mixte Emmanuel in Gérald Bataille / Port-au-Prince, one of modular schools, built in containers after the 2010 earthquake has also been modified and was able also to benefit of three new classrooms.
Three other schools have been inaugurated recently: the National School of Yayou in Saint Raphaël, the National School Charlemagne Péralte to Maïssade and the Community School ANC of Grande Savane in Fort Jacques. With these new openings, over 1,000 students were added to the children who attend the schools of the Foundation, they are now more than 52,000 students to benefit from.
Commenting on the series of inaugurations, Sophia Stransky, the Executive Director of the Digicel Foundation stated "Every school inauguration is a proud moment for the Foundation, we not only offer an adequate and safe environment for hundreds of children but we allow communities to strengthen [...] These new inauguration bring to 158 the number of schools projects already completed by the Digicel Foundation throughout the national territory, we are on the right track to reach our goal that is to reach 175 construction projects in Haiti by December 2016."
Achieving democracy will not be painless
Haiti’s woefully weak economy makes progress harder
BY SIR RONALD SANDERS
sirronaldsanders.com
Haiti has made a firm and important first step in taking responsibility for its affairs after decades of external interference. An agreement, reached on the night of February 5, twenty-four hours before the Presidency of Michel Martelly ended in accordance with the Constitution, was as historic as it was vital.
As I said in a report to the Permanent Council of the Organisation of American States (OAS) on a Special Mission I led to Haiti from January 31 to February 6, prior to the February 5 agreement, “Haiti faced — in very stark and real terms — a situation of potential chaos”.
SANDERS
On the ground, these are the realities that confronted the country:
President Martelly was demitting office in 7 days with no elected successor, and no agreed mechanism for how the country would be governed; political actors were jockeying for power, making agreement on a mechanism for an interim government extremely difficult; there was tension, uncertainty and simmering conflict; and the existing amended 1987 Constitution made no provision for a transitional government.
In this troubling scenario, there was no legal answer and no space for an externally-imposed “solution”. A way out of the morass had to be a political compact, made by the main Haitian players; it had to be one that they owned or there would be no chance for its implementation.
Of course, there were many claimants for the role of who should agree the way forward for Haiti. In the presidential election, which was suspended in January because of politically-organized violence, there were 54 candidates for the presidency. But, the first round held last October had resulted in two candidates securing 58.08 percent% between them. That left 52 losers for whom, as I told the OAS Permanent Council on February 12, “blaming the (elections) process as a whole is an irresistible magnet”. Nonetheless, despite their overwhelming rejection by the electorate, many of the 52 candidates have remained active, with a few not averse to dispatching their followers to the streets for protests.
The two “winners” of the first round of the October Presidential electoral contest were Jovenel Moise of PHTH (Martelly’s party) with 32.81 percent and Jude Celestin of LAPEH with 25.27 percent. As to be expected, Celestin led the chorus of the disappointed presidential contenders who alleged “massive fraud”, although none of the independent observers of the elections agreed. All the international observer groups concurred on many irregularities that were not sufficient to materially affect the first-round election result.
The second round, scheduled for December was postponed to January following demands by many of the candidates, led by Celestin, for changes in the process. But, even after changes were made, Celestin declared he would not contest the election. However, he did not withdraw his name formally. In the event, organized violence led to the second-round being suspended.
On the eve of Martelly’s departure, therefore, the country was faced with a crisis to which the existing Constitution provided no answer. Potentially it would be anarchy since no government would be in place. The judges of the Supreme Court themselves revealed to the OAS mission that I led that the answer to the problem was not legal; it had to be political but as close to the Constitution and the law as possible.
Recourse to a solution therefore resided in the only two institutions of government that were in existence with legitimate authority. Those were: Martelly, who was still constitutionally the president, and the National Assembly embodied by its President Jocelerme Privert. That is why these two constitutional entities were encouraged to find and agree on a solution that would take the country over the immediate obstacle of a constitutional vacuum, following Martelly’s departure without an elected successor, and would establish a mechanism for choosing an interim president and an interim prime minister to superintend the country’s affairs with a clear road map to the election of a new president by an agreed and certain date.
They did so at the 11th hour and after much debate, mind-changing, and interventions by vested interests. For instance, some persons, who would no longer command authority once Martelly demitted office, were encouraging him to continue in office after February 7 and until a new President could be elected. Had Martelly remained in office one day past February 7, a political fire of protests would have been lit that could have engulfed Haiti and retarded any hope of progress for decades. The cost to Haiti and its neighbors would have been beyond contemplation. The OAS is right to be satisfied with the friendly but impartial role it has played in Haiti, always at the request of its government.
The agreement, signed on the night of February 5 by Martelly, Privert and the president of the Lower Chamber of the National Assembly, Chozler Chancy, was imperative. As I said to the assembled Haitian negotiators, immediately after they signed the agreement in the Presidential Palace, they had “written their names in an important page of Haiti’s history, showing the world that they are capable of making mature decisions in a democratic way that would redound to Haiti’s benefit”.
The terms of the agreement have been met and are being implemented. Martelly demitted office properly with a passionate address to the National Assembly, and the Assembly agreed on the election of an Interim President — Privert — in a process that took less than 24 hours through spirited debate and bargaining. As I write, nominations for the interim prime minister are being discussed and should be settled shortly.
Haitian decision-makers have taken a crucial first step toward a sustainable democracy. Achieving it will not be painless, not least because it is all too easy for political losers to seek advantage by organising street demonstrations. Further, without a history of debate and decision-making within solid governmental institutions, democratic processes will be severely tested, and it will be up to the Haitian leaders to put the interests of their country first.
All this is more complicated because of Haiti’s poor economic circumstances. Its GDP per capita is $820, less than one-tenth of the Latin American average. Sixty percent of the population lives below the poverty line and the richest 20 percent accounts for 62 percent of the income. Shockingly, of the population of more than 10 million people, only 500,000 are in permanent employment. This situation is exacerbated by the expulsion by the Dominican Republic of Haitians who found work or were born in that country.
The Haitian leaders deserve every commendation and encouragement for the mature manner in which they have tackled their constitutional and political crisis. After the installation of a new, democratically-elected President, they will need to do much more, including reform of the Constitution, judiciary, electoral system and the system of maintaining law and order. In that way, they will encourage the countries of the Americas to help them help themselves.
Sir Ronald Sanders is chairman of the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States and Ambassador of Antigua and Barbuda.
U.S.-educated economist is new interim Haiti prime minister
BY JACQUELINE CHARLES
Fritz Alphonse Jean, a U.S.-educated economist who once headed Haiti’s central bank, was installed Friday as the country’s new prime minister to help lead a caretaker government and complete suspended elections that have left Haiti without an elected president or full parliament.
In his acceptance speech, Jean acknowledged that his task is huge: He must not only create the conditions necessary for Haiti to hold free, fair, and transparent presidential and partial legislative elections by April 24, but simultaneously re-establish macro-economic stability.
“I am aware of the task ... that you have entrusted to me to win the trust of all stakeholders in this crisis,” Jean said.
Jean was tapped for the No. 2 job in the government by provisional President Jocelerme Privert. Privert spent two weeks in consultations with political and civic leaders to find a consensus prime minister as part of the Feb. 5 accord outlining the steps for a 120-day provisional government.
More technocrat than politician, Jean’s designation has stirred controversy, raising questions about how long before he and the consensus government he must now form can get to work.
While technically prime minister under Haiti’s amended 1987 constitution, Jean must still go before parliament to get a vote of confidence on his political program. Parliamentarians can reject the program, therefore holding up Jean’s ability to legitimately function. Some lawmakers close to former President Michel Martelly have argued that Jean is neither the consensus prime minister that the accord demanded, nor apolitical, and has roots in the same Fanmi Lavalas Party as Privert.
On Friday, outgoing Prime Minister Evans Paul also logged his objections. Surrounded by members of his soon-to-be-axed Cabinet, Paul accused Privert of violating the terms of the accord. He announced a boycott of the ceremony saying, “We are not going to help lead the country into chaos.”
Paul has been in a hostile public campaign against Privert, 62, ever since the interim president told reporters last week that Haiti was in dire financial straights.
Paul disputed the claims, while pointing out that the former Haitian Senate head, who was elected provisional president on Feb. 14 in a joint session of parliament, is the main beneficiary of the accord, which he helped negotiate. The same criticism, however, was made of Paul when he was tapped by Martelly in December 2014 to lead a consensus government after a presidential commission he sat on called for the removal of Martelly’s friend and business partner, Prime Minister Laurent Lamothe, to stave off a worsening political crisis.
Privert called on Haitians to set aside personal interests and work to help Haiti get out of the current crisis.
“We are all Haitians,” he said. “Let’s stop wasting time.”
Governor of the Banque de la République d’Haïti (BRH) from 1998 to 2001, Jean was the choice of human-rights organizations. Some interpret his selection as a sign that Privert views the provisional government’s role as broader than merely organizing elections. Privert also believes it should prevent a total collapse of the Haitian economy.
Since October, Haiti’s domestic currency has dropped in value by 17.75 percent and a factory worker today earns less today —$3.87 a day — after a hike in the minimum wage than before.
“The country’s finances are in an alarming and catastrophic situation,” Privert said last week during his first news conference.
A week before Privert took office, Martelly had stepped down from the presidency without an elected successor because of the disputed elections.
Privert has said that he intends “to do everything in my power, everything that depends on me, everything that depends on my ability, to meet the deadline and act in strict compliance with the deadline.” While trying to find a prime minister, he has also asked various sectors to designate individuals to fill six vacant seats on the Provisional Electoral Council.
Among the names that have been sent in is that of Jacques Bernard. A U.S. Agency for International Development employee, Bernard was designated by business leaders. He is considered a leading expert on Haiti’s electoral system. He served as executive director of the electoral council in 2006 but fled the country after citing fears for his life. He was tapped again in the 2010 elections to help verify the vote. Bernard’s name was proposed last year, but U.S. officials opposed his appointment.
A fiscal expert and former director of the Haitian revenue service (DGI), Privert has announced sweeping changes to reduce government spending. The new government, he has said, will have no more than 15 ministers. He also has not ruled out a financial audit to look into allegations of mismanagement and corruption by the Martelly administration.
He also asked Paul to suspend all appointments to public institutions, including foreign embassies and consulates, where dozens of nominations were made on the eve of Martelly’s departure. Firing back in the news media, Paul this week said the appointments were requested by legislators. He and Finance Minister Wilson Laleau also disputed Privert’s bleak view of the country’s finances, saying there is no reason for alarm.
Sources close to the president said that while organizing elections remains a top priority of the administration, so too is taking control of the country’s finances. In recent days, the palace has raised questions about a number of disbursements, including the granting of a $20 million line of credit by Laleau to an Israeli firm to control the country’s border with the Dominican Republic. Laleau defended his decision Thursday morning during an interview on Magik 9, saying the contract existed before the change of administrations.
In a communique, the palace has also demanded the return of all state-owned vehicles from former employees of the Martelly administration.
A vocal critic of the Martelly government’s unbridled spending, Jean was born in Cap-Haïtien and calls the town of Sainte-Suzanne in the northeast, home. A proponent of development of Haiti’s neglected northern region, he serves as president of the chamber of commerce of the Northeast Department.
Between 2007 and 2010, Jean was president of YMCA-Haiti. He’s a founding member of the Haitian Stock Exchange and an advocate of tourism promotion. He studied economics and mathematics at Fordham University and the New School for Social Research in New York before pursuing his professional career in Haiti.
In 1996, Jean was named vice governor of the central bank. Two years later, he was appointed governor. During his tenure, he signed the contract that led to the construction of the bank’s gleaming building in downtown Port-au-Prince. The move put him in conflict with then-President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and forced his 2001 departure from the bank.
Tzu Chi Foundation
Tzu Chi Foundation is feeding the poor patients in Haiti.
Tzu Chi volunteers in Haiti, are trying to put Master's teachings in practice. They cook themselves good vegetarian food to feed the poor patients. They also serve the food themselves. They are trying to promote vegetarian recipes and nutrition information dedicated to educating the poor patients and the interrelated issues of health and nutrition.
U.S. Department Of State
DIPLOMACY IN ACTION
BUREAU OF INTERNATIONAL NARCOTICS AND LAW ENFORCEMENT AFFAIRS
2016 International Narcotics Control Strategy Report (INCSR)
Report
Introduction
Haiti remains a transit point for cocaine originating in South America and marijuana originating in Jamaica, traversing the country’s porous borders en route to the United States and other markets. This traffic takes advantage of Haiti’s severely under-patrolled maritime borders, particularly on the northern and southern coasts. Haiti is not a significant producer of illicit drugs for export, although there is cultivation of cannabis for local consumption. Haiti’s primarily subsistence-level economy does not provide an environment conducive to high levels of domestic drug use.
The Haitian government continued in 2015 to strengthen the Haitian National Police (HNP) and its counternarcotics unit (Bureau for the Fight Against Narcotics Trafficking, or BLTS) with additional manpower, and officials at the highest levels of government have repeatedly committed to fight drug trafficking. While drug and cash seizures were higher in 2015 than in the previous year, the government has been unable to secure borders adequately in order to cut the flow of illegal drugs. Principal land border crossings with the Dominican Republic are largely uncontrolled and the southern coastline remains virtually enforcement-free. The minimal interdiction capacity of the Haitian Coast Guard creates a low-risk environment for drug traffickers to operate. While Haiti’s domestic law enforcement interdiction capacity has improved marginally, a largely ineffective judicial system continues to impede successful prosecution of apprehended drug traffickers.
Supply Reduction
BLTS executed several successful operations in 2015 that led to significant drug and cash asset seizures, including through joint operations with the U.S. Coast Guard and DEA. Seizures included 3.3 metric tons of marijuana, 143 kilograms (kg) of cocaine, and 15 kg of heroin, as well as $562,000 and 22 assorted firearms. Enforcement actions yielded a total of 148 arrests, with five extraditions to the United States for prosecution. DEA works frequently with BLTS on major operations, and its assistance in intelligence gathering, logistics, and operational planning helped facilitate most BLTS actions ending in seizure or arrest. There is no significant availability or traffic of illegal synthetic drugs in Haiti.
Conclusion
The continued institutional development of both the HNP and the BLTS are positive trends that have helped to improve public security and have marginally increased Haiti’s ability to interdict drug trafficking. Continued strong cooperation between Haitian and U.S. law enforcement yielded major narcotics seizures and enabled the apprehension of individuals indicted in U.S. jurisdictions and their return for trial in the United States. However, the dysfunctional Haitian judicial system drastically limits domestic prosecution of drug cases and thus reduces disincentives to trafficking operations. Drug seizures still remain low, and Haiti’s minimal capacity to police its sea and land borders is a particular point of concern.
Continued engagement from the United States, particularly in support of BLTS operations and general HNP development, will help Haitian law enforcement to capitalize on marginal gains in drug interdiction capacity. However, the benefits of such gains will be limited if the judicial system fails to convict drug traffickers. Only the concurrent strengthening of the judiciary, law enforcement, and border security will enable Haiti to make real progress in fighting drug trafficking.
Court Hears Suit against U.N. on Haiti Cholera Outbreak
By RICK GLADSTONEMARCH 1, 2016
A legal battle by the Haitian victims of a cholera epidemic against the United Nations reached its highest level in an American court on Tuesday, as lawyers for the plaintiffs were permitted to argue before a federal appeals panel why they believe the United Nations is not entitled to immunity.
Based on the questions asked by the three judges hearing the arguments in a packed Manhattan federal courtroom, they appeared sympathetic to the victims.
The outcome of the case, in which United Nations peacekeepers are accused of having negligently brought cholera to Haiti after their deployment in 2010 following a disastrous earthquake, could have enormous implications for the United Nations. The global organization has asserted that a 1946 convention on privileges and immunities insulates it from such legal action — a defense that the appellate judges are now weighing
Their decision is expected in the next several months, and if they agree with the cholera victims the case could be returned to a lower court for trial. If the judges deny the appeal, lawyers for the victims said, they would seek to bring the issue before the United States Supreme Court.
“Immunity does not mean impunity,” Beatrice Lindstrom, a lawyer for the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti, a legal advocacy group that is helping represent the cholera victims, told the appellate judges.
There is little dispute that the peacekeepers were at fault, as supported by medical studies including some of the United Nations’ own findings, but the organization has declined to even acknowledge it is a defendant in the lawsuit, one of at least three that has been filed in the United States.
The cholera epidemic has killed more than 9,000 people in Haiti and infected more than 800,000.
The case was dismissed by a lower-court judge in 2014 after Justice Department lawyers, acting on behalf of the United Nations because the United States is the organization’s host country, argued that under the 1946 convention, American courts had no standing to hear the grievances.
Lawyers for the victims appealed, and in what they described as a last-minute decision announced last Thursday, the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit scheduled a hearing for them to argue their side.
Ms. Lindstrom said the 1946 convention also required the United Nations to compensate people hurt by its activities through the establishment of a special board to evaluate and act on grievances brought by victims, which the organization has not done in Haiti. Based on that lapse, she argued, the United Nations had forfeited any claim to immunity.
“The U.N.’s position is that nothing can compel it to comply with its undeniable legal obligations,” she said.
Ellen Blain, an assistant United States attorney who argued for dismissing the case, told the appellate judges that the Haiti epidemic was an unfortunate disaster but that the immunity provision of the convention, which both the United States and Haiti signed, left no room for interpretation and must be enforced.
Lawyers for the United Nations did not attend the hearing, in keeping with the organization’s position that it is not answerable to the court’s activities. Farhan Haq, a spokesman for the United Nations, said in an emailed statement that “as is the normal course, representatives of the Host State appeared and asserted the absolute immunity of the United Nations.”
The judges asked what other possible recourse the Haitians could pursue, indicating they may see some legal justification for siding with victims caught in a situation in which nobody has been held accountable.
“We are very heartened by today’s proceeding,” Brian Concannon, the executive director of Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti, told reporters after the hearing concluded. “I’m not going to predict the proceeding but it was heartening to see the judges asking very good questions.”
Mario Joseph, a Haitian lawyer who is the lead counsel for the cholera victims, said after the hearing that he believed “the United Nations is walking toward the end of this absolute immunity.”
The Relentless Rise of Two Caribbean Lakes Baffles Scientists
NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC
In Haiti and the Dominican Republic, the lakes are flooding farmland, swallowing communities and leading to deforestation.
By Jacob Kushner
LETANT, Haiti—On a recent calm day, the surface of Lake Azuéi has no waves, not even any ripples. Pillars of pastel-colored concrete break the still surface, the tops of what once were houses. They are all that’s visible of the community that once thrived here.
Alberto Pierre, a skinny, wide-eyed 25-year-old, said the submerged village where he grew up wasn’t even near the lake. “The water used to be many kilometers from here.”
Lake Azuéi, the largest lake in Haiti, lies about 18 miles east of Port-au-Prince, the capital, nestled along the border with the Dominican Republic. Also known as Étang Saumâtre, the lake rose so much between 2004 and 2009 that it engulfed dozens of square miles.
“At first we put rocks so it wouldn’t come into our houses,” Pierre says. “But then the water just overran the rocks.” Families in the village of Letant began abandoning their houses, building huts on higher ground using wood, tarps, whatever they could find. By 2012, all 83 houses had been vacated.
“We don’t know why the water is rising,” he says.
In fact, nobody does. There seems to be no logic to the lake’s rise. Experts from the United Nations, a French engineering firm, a Dominican Republic university, a New York City college and many others have looked for clues to explain the rise of Lake Azuéi and neighboring Lake Enriquillo, just across the border in the Dominican Republic. But few of the theories seem to hold water. Some now hypothesize the phenomenon is related to climate change, but the evidence is counterintuitive: Unlike ocean levels, which rise with climate change, lakes tend to shrink.
For the estimated 400,000 people living in the watershed of the two lakes, the fallout has been severe. Lake Enriquillo rose an incredible 37 feet in less than 10 years, doubling in size and swallowing at least 40,000 acres of farmland.
Most of those who lost their land are poor farmers.
Displaced from their farmland, some are turning to a nefarious occupation: charcoal. Illegal loggers are cutting down trees in the Dominican Republic to produce 50,000 tons of charcoal annually, which they sell in Haiti. The U.N. estimates it’s a $15 million a year business. They transport it under the cover of darkness on small boats across Lake Azuéi, which has risen high enough to straddle the border.
Meanwhile, the water is destroying a fragile ecosystem. Cao Cao birds (Hispaniolan Palm Crow, or Corvus palmarum) and other bird species lost their habitat as trees where they once nested died, their roots drowned by the water. Endangered Hispaniola ground iguanas (Cyclura ricordi) and rhinoceros iguanas (Cyclura cornuta) were forced to flee the protected island in the center of Lake Enriquillo for higher ground above the shoreline where they compete with humans and other wildlife.
Searching for an Explanation
Lake Enriquillo and Lake Azuéi have always been anomalies. For starters, their water is not fresh, but saline, even though they have no known connection to the ocean. Lake Enriquillo is the largest lake in the Caribbean, and it is also region’s lowest point: in 2013 its surface was 112 feet below sea level.
“The topography is unfortunate,” explains Michael Piasecki, professor for water resources engineering at the City College of New York who has done research in both countries on the island. “Both lakes are flanked on the north and the southern side by steep mountains. It’s like a bathtub.”
Complicating matters is the possibility that the two lakes are connected by an underground waterway. If true, Lake Azuéi, with its higher elevation, may be slowly draining into Lake Enriquillo. “But we can only speculate about this because we don’t know what the water table actually looks like,” says Piasecki. Absent funding that would allow scientists to drill the 40 to 50 boreholes he says would be necessary to find out if it’s true, the subterranean river mystery will remain just that.
Hoping for a Solution
If the water’s rise could somehow be reversed, the sunken land could probably be restored to its original state.
Dalbes Garcia Borques, a landowner in Duvergé, says that about four of his acres have resurfaced in the last two years as the lake receded slightly. He paid some workers to dig small irrigation trenches from nearby canals to “wash” away the salt residue left by the lake. One year later, he’s harvesting potatoes.
“It’s an expensive and arduous process,” says Borques.
And yet, it could be cause for optimism: If scientists and the island’s governments could work together to reverse the lakes’ rise, the land, barren and destroyed as it may look, could once again resemble the land that has not yet succumbed to the water’s grasp—lush with palm trees and tall grasses upon which fat cows graze.
For now, farmers seem hesitant to invest in the labor it would take to wash the re-emerged land and replant. With no solution in sight, most expect the water will continue to rise—flooding even more of the limited land on this small island.
The reporting for this article was made possible by support from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.
Canadians at the head of the MINUSTAH?
According to diplomatic and governmental sources in Port-au-Prince and Ottawa, Canada would like to contribute more concretely to the efforts of the UN peacekeeping force of the Minustah and is considering taking over the next Fall from the Brazilian staff (979 blue berets), which represent the biggest contingents (40 %) strengths of Minustah in Haiti.
At present only 5 Canadian blue berets (out of 2,370) and 90 policemen (out of 2,376) have been deployed in Haiti. If this Canadian succession does take place, 2,000 soldiers and policemen will be Canadian. However nothing has been finalized. Other sources are talking about a thousand men.
By becoming the majority contingent of the Minustah, Canada would take the command according to the rules. Besides the interest of Canada for a seat on the Security Council, the use of French by Canadian soldiers in Haiti could work in the country’s favor, as Prime Minister Justin Trudeau mentioned last month.
HL / HaïtiLibre
BANK HOLDUPS
According to a report by the head office of the Criminal Investigation Department (DCPJ), several suspects were arrested last week for bank holdups. During these interventions led during this period, 2 cars, 3 motorcycles, 5 firearms, 31 cartridges, 10,000 gourdes, 2,480 US dollars, several telephones and some kilos of marijuana were seized.
The inspector urges the population to collaborate with PNH to apprehend these bandits. He emphasized that PNH will do its best to restore order in the capital and other regions of the country and to render gangsters harmless.
Haiti-security: bandit attacks two new victims
A young man in his twenties about, was killed Wednesday in Petion-Ville. He was attacked by three men on motorcycles. This young man, who ran from Clervaux Street to escape his captors, was intercepted by bandits at the corner of Faubert Street.
One of the men got off his bike and shot him in the stomach then escaped on Pan American street before returning to Clervaux Street, according to PNH. The young man died a few minutes after the attack.
No police officer was seen in the area at the time of the crime. A little later that morning, one of the presenters from Radio Solidarity, Bushnor François, was also attacked by armed bandits. Wounded, he was urgently taken to hospital.
Diplomacy : Jocelerme Privert advocates dialogue with DR
In an interview granted to the Dominican media CDN, President a.i. Jocelerme Privert, declared that the only thing that guarantees coexistence between the Dominican Republic and Haiti is the harmonious dialogue: "I confirm it, it is through dialogue and understanding that we can find any solution to what can happen. Relations were cordial because we share the same island and similar situations. We are condemned to live in harmony and dialogue, there is no other way to live."
Regarding immigration policy of the Dominican Republic, Jocelerme Privert limited to say that he respected the measures taken by the country in the framework of the Constitution and laws "I respect the law and the Constitution of a country in the same way that I respect the rights of people living in my country, as I respect the rights of citizens living in both parts of the island."
Taking advantage of this interview, he sent a message of solidarity and encouragement for Haitians living outside their country of origin stating "In the short time that I would be President, my role, my goal is to do my best to have elections soon and form a government so that in Haiti there is peace, stability and harmonious development. My message to all Haitians living in the Dominican Republic or elsewhere, is that when they want to return, they will find work and hope..."
SL/ HaitiLibre
HAITI CANNOT AFFORD POLITICAL INSTABILITY DURING THE CURRENT PERIOD.
U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon
Ban warns in his latest report that progress remains fragile and Haiti “could be susceptible to setbacks.” He said the political crisis has an even greater impact on the quarter of the population living in extreme poverty; the 59,000 persons still living in 37 camp-like settlements six years after the earthquake; and the thousands who have returned or been deported to Haiti from the neighboring Dominican Republic.
“Haiti cannot afford political instability during the current period of negative economic trends, characterized by low economic growth and decreasing levels of investment,” said Ban, who has called on the political class through his Special Representative Sandra Honoré to find a consensus.
“The country continues to be vulnerable to humanitarian crises, including drought; insufficient water, health and sanitation infrastructure, and the presence of diarrhoeal disease,” he said.
In his talk with Haitians, Moïse highlighted some of the ongoing challenges while touting his desire to tackle them. He promised the diaspora that under him, the constitution would undergo a profound reform to include them.
Sounding more like an opposition contender rather than the government-backed candidate, he was critical of past governance of the country. He, however, steered clear of any criticism involving the Martelly administration, which some have blamed for the current problems because of its refusal to hold elections in four years. Moïse also continued to reject opposition fraud claims, telling the crowd that they were baseless and done because they feared him and “were afraid of losing power for five years.”
“The people’s patience has a limit,” he later said in the Herald interview, addressing criticism about his PHTK supporters burning tires this week in support of him after the party has long touted itself as the peaceful protesters. “We don’t always have control over supporters,” he said. “You cannot hold Jovenel Moïse responsible for this.”
Jacqueline Charles: @Jacquiecharles
The State Department maintains the alert concerning the trips in Haiti
The State Department revised its Travels Alert published January 11th, 2016 concerning the electoral period. The latest date announced for the elections, which have already been postponed twice, is April 24th, 2016.
This alert Travels expire on June 10th, 2016.
"The tensions remain high and we urge American citizens to use caution and to remain informed of safety issues while the electoral process progresses towards a resolution. Zones of tension can occur, particularly during time preceding or immediately the election; the date in which the results will be announced and in the installation of a new president, which is scheduled for May 14th, 2016.
You can expect road traffic restrictions imposed by the authorities or caused by political gatherings. The Office of Security of the Embassy informed the employees of the Embassy not to participate in the supervision of the elections to avoid useless movements outside of their home the day of the elections.
Because of it and as a general rule in preparation for emergencies, you have to maintain a sufficient supply food, water, essential medicine and other supplies which will allow you to stay put for at least 72 hours.
Watch the local media for any change in the electoral calendar. The Embassy of the United States can update this Alert Travel in case of a change in the calendar or the circumstances."
From Haiti to Cuba, One CEO’s Big Plans For Caribbean Aviation
March 9th, 2016 | 12:41 pm
HAITI — On a bright February morning amid a mild westerly breeze, a newly painted plane sticks out like a fresh blade of grass as it parks and prepares to load passengers on the tarmac of Toussaint Louverture International Airport in Port-au-Price, Haiti.
Philippe Bayard, the CEO and founder of Sunrise Airways, Haiti’s only Haitian-owned airline, climbs aboard his newest aircraft, an ATR 42-320, as a small procession of employees board the plane, along with a priest who will deliver an inaugural blessing.
Minutes later, the formalities conclude, Sunrise employees scatter in pursuit of responsibilities and passengers clamor aboard for the airline’s now-blessed first flight to Camaguey, Cuba.
I grab a window seat – eager to add Cuba’s interior vistas to my already vast exposure to her pristine, alluring coastline.
As the engines spark to life, my thoughts are occupied with the complex history shared between Cuba and Haiti.
In the beginning, Hispaniola was the site of the first European settlement in the Americas thanks to Christopher Columbus’ first voyage in 1492.
Since then, the winds of global commerce, misalignment of interests and epic inhumanity have shaped the two nations in ways that many hope can become a source of strength rather than a source of weakness and rancor.
More recently, at least through the lens of an American, Cuba has been forbidden while Haiti has been seemingly foreclosed on.
I can only think about pushing forward, pointing the nose upward and gaining altitude.
We were in flight, banking West and headed for Cuba.
Camaguey is Cuba’s third largest city and the home to the largest concentration of Cubans with Haitian heritage.
Cuba acquired its Haitian connection in the early 1800’s after some French slave owners fled Haiti’s revolution, bringing thousands of Haitian slaves, coffee and sugar cane production to Cuba for the first time.
Later, some Haitians migrated to Cuba as “brazeros” or hand workers. Perhaps some of the passengers are descendants of those original Haitians.
Once in flight, my curiosity invites me to move across the row next to Philippe.
I wonder if his thoughts are adrift with the history surrounding people of Camaguey and Haiti.
To my surprise, and with comfortable precision, Philippe jumps from the details of load factors and fuel costs to what regional travel can mean for Caribbean people today.
After all, the new aircraft and Lithuanian crew are leased, so Philippe’s mental acuity is concentrated on commercial viability. He is a man with a plan, and there is no room for miscalculation.
“I don’t see Haiti – I see the Caribbean” – Philippe Bayard.
SANDRA HONORÉ REPORT
Last Thursday, Sandra Honoré, the special Representative of the United Nations General Secretary for Haiti, went to the United Nations in New York to report to the Security Council about the situation in the country. She declared that "a strong spirit of compromise between the Haitian stakeholders, and a commitment so strong to reach consensus, will be essential for the country to return to constitutional order."
Considering the number of delays in the implementation of the agreement, she underlined "a prolonged period of political uncertainty is not in the interest of the Haitian people because it diverts the attention which should be on preserving the stabilization improvements that have been achieved during the last few years. Failure in restoring political stability would have long-term grave consequences and could put in danger the well-being of the Haitian people."
THE SECURITY COUNCIL ADDRESS THE SUSPENDED POLITICAL CYCLE IN HAITI
The members of the security council expressed their profound concern about the continuous suspension of the electoral cycles in Haiti and called up to the completion of the electoral cycle without further delay, to allow the Haitian people to have the opportunity to vote for their representatives elected in a free, just, inclusive and transparent election
AMBASSADOR PAULA CALDWELL VISITS PARLEMENT
On Thursday, March 17th, Paula Cadwell, the Ambassador of Canada in Haiti, went to the Haitian Parliament for in courtesy visit. She expressed her concerns with regard to the political situation prevailing in Haiti.
During this visit in which about ten presidents of committees participated, questions relative to the country’s political and socioeconomic conjuncture were addressed, according to the vice-president of the Senate.
Cholera : almost 100 dead since January 2016
PORT AU PRINCE, Haiti (CMC) — Haiti says it has recorded 96 people died from cholera during the first two months of this year.
The Ministry of Public Health and Population (MSPP) said there were also 7, 782 cases of the disease during the period January 1 to February 27.
But it said that the trend is towards a decrease in the number of cases following the outbreak US Centres for Disease Control and Prevention described as the worst epidemic of cholera in recent history.
Haitians have blamed UN peacekeeping troops from Nepal whom they said carried strains of the disease with them, contaminating a large portion of the country’s drinking water.
The United Nations initially denied any role in the outbreak, and has refused to redress complaints, claiming immunity under a 1946 convention. In January, a US judge dismissed a lawsuit filed by human rights groups seeking compensation for Haitian victims.
The MSPP said that the decline has been observed every week despite the recent rains, saying “this situation demonstrates of a better capacity to control the transmission in outbreak and at the same time the need to enhance efforts to strengthen the management of cases.
“The humanitarian community continues to support the Haitian government in its efforts not only to ensure a rapid and effective response to the cholera epidemic in improving access to drinking water services, sanitation and health, but also to reduce the vulnerability of populations living in the most at-risk cholera areas.
“As part of the continuation of this commitment, a humanitarian response plan in which the response to the cholera outbreak is a priority, is being developed,” the MSPP added.
But it noted that the number of deaths during the first two months of this year is higher than the same period last year when 67 deaths were recorded.
In addition, the Ministry of Health reports that 18 communities, including Cap-Haïtien, Limbé, Pilatte, Port Margot and even some sections of the capital, remain in a red alert.
PIO/CG-PR33/2016
ByLouis-Joseph OlivierJanuary 19, 2015 3:06 PM
Port-au-Prince (AFP) - Haiti's leaders unveiled the line-up Monday of a unity government supposed to bridge a dangerous political void and put the fragile Caribbean nation back on the road to elected government.
Haiti has failed to hold elections in three years and parliament's mandate expired last week, leaving President Michel Martelly de facto sole leader of the country in the face of mounting street protests.
Martelly has attempted to calm the situation by naming Evans Paul, a figure from the opposition, as his prime minister and signing a deal to hold new elections by the end of this year.
But Paul's appointment was never ratified by the outgoing parliament and his constitutional position appears weak. Nevertheless, on Monday he pushed on and named 44 ministers and state secretaries.
The statement announcing the new cabinet said Paul chose the ministers "in agreement with the president ... in conformity with the constitution" and it was issued by Martelly's presidential office.
Most of the ministers in the new line-up are reshuffled holdovers from the government of former premier Laurent Lamothe, Martelly's great friend and wealthy ally, who resigned in December.
This fact alone is unlikely to appease the opposition demonstrators, who took to the streets again over the weekend to demand Martelly step down immediately.
Opponents of the popular singer turned politician accuse him of manipulating the crisis to engineer the collapse of parliament in order to rule by decree -- like Haiti's former dictators.
In turn, his camp accuses the opposition of thwarting attempts to hold elections by refusing to pass a new electoral law that would set up and fund a commission to oversee polling.
The international community is increasingly concerned that the crisis will hurt efforts to rebuild Haiti in the wake of the 2010 earthquake and a later cholera epidemic blamed on UN peacekeepers.
Haiti was already the poorest country in the western hemisphere five ears ago, when the quake devastated the capital and surrounding region and left more than 300,000 people dead.
Before that, this nation of around 10 million had suffered periods of dictatorship and bouts of violent unrest, and United Nations troops have been deployed since 2004.
Last year, the UN Security Council reduced the size of the mission, which had been beefed up in the wake of the earthquake, but it remains concerned about the situation on the ground.
Next week ambassadors from the 15-nation council will arrive in Port-au-Prince on a fact-finding mission that has become all the more urgent in the current political situation.
On January 11, Martelly and representatives from several of Haiti's political movements struck a deal to form a consensus government and push for new elections before the end of the year.
A new nine-member electoral council will be created including representatives of the Catholic, Protestant and voodoo faiths, as well as farmers, women, labor and business groups.
The accord was welcomed by Haiti's international partners, including the United States and the European Union, but was never formally approved by the outgoing Haitian parliament before it expired.
PRESS RELEASE
The Core Group voices grave concern over delays in the implementation
of the 5 February Agreement
Port-au-Prince, 16 March 2016- The Special Representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and the other members of the international community in Haiti represented in the "Core Group" (the Ambassadors of Brazil, Canada, France, Spain, United States of America, the European Union and the Special Representative of the Organization of American States) note, with grave concern, delays in the implementation of the 5 February Agreement which provides a roadmap for the return to full Constitutional order within agreed upon timelines. The “Core Group” strongly urges the Parliament to play its role in the implementation of the 5 February Agreement by voting on the Prime Minister’s government policy without delay in order to facilitate the completion of the electoral process.
Stressing the critical importance of a prompt return to full Constitutional order, through the conclusion of the 2015 electoral process as per the 5 February Agreement, the “Core Group” calls on all actors to spare no effort to ensure the implementation of the Agreement, in the interest of the Haitian people and their right to choose their leaders and representatives through elections.
Contact media:
Sophie Boutaud de la Combe
Haiti - Dominican Republic : Towards a commercial air conflict ?
The Dominican airline Air Century, who had announced the postponement of its inaugural flight scheduled for 15 February between the Dominican Republic and Haiti, because according to it, the socio-political instability in Haiti http://www.haitilibre.com/en/news-16614-haiti-tourism-instability-in-haiti-force-air-century-to-cancel-its-first-flight.html hid in fact a completely different reason.
Indeed, since July 2015 Air Century that has all the permits from the "Junta de Aviacion Civil" (JAC) of the Dominican Republic, waiting in vain for the National Office of Civil Aviation (OFNAC) of Haiti grant it the authorizations required to regularly operate the road Joaquin Balaguer-Port-au-Prince and vice versa to Santo Domingo.
According to the Dominican company "after many visits to Haiti and loss of their documents repeatedly to OFNAC" Air Century has never received any response from Haiti to apply for a permit for a route that is currently provided by the Haitian company Sunrise Airways.
Air Century stresses that it has recently made an investment of more than $ 4.5 million for the acquisition of two Saab 340B aircraft designed to launch regular operations in different international destinations of importance whose Haiti in priority. Note that Sunrise Airways has also late February commissioned an aircraft recently purchased... http://www.haitilibre.com/en/news-16714-haiti-economy-sunrise-airways-add-a-new-aircraft-to-its-fleet.html
Seeing in this situation an unacknowledged form of trade protectionism from Haiti, Air Century in a note, asking the JAC to require the OFNAC the application of the bilateral agreement of 20 November 2014 of the Joint Bilateral Commission, which in its fourth section agrees of the trade reciprocity between the two countries. The Dominican company asks in case of refusal, the suspension of all permits to the Haitian airlines operating in the Dominican Republic.
Faced with these new revelations, one wonders if the temporary suspension of flights of the Sunrise Airways by the JAC on March 1 and their resumption a few days later, was well founded or if it was a first retaliation against the Haitian company, in what could be the beginning of a commercial air conflict between the two countries.
HAITIAN MAMBA
Hot and spicy: a new peanut butter grown in Haiti and made in Montreal
In Haiti, peanut butter is an everyday snack, something to slather on toast for breakfast or between slices of cassava crackers after a late night out.
Mamba, as it’s called in Creole, is one of the most common Haitian condiments. It’s also one of the little things Haitians miss when they leave, says Stanley Dumornay, a Montrealer of Haitian descent.
“When they move away, Haitians often settle for bland North American peanut butter. Or they get people going back to bring jars and jars of it back for them,” says Dumornay, who was born in the United States but grew up in Port au Prince, the Haitian capital.
Dumornay and business partner Jason Delis, co-owners of D&D Mamba, met while studying for their MBAs at HEC Montreal. On a vacation to Haiti, Dumornay introduced Delis to Haitian peanut butter and soon he, too, was hooked, spreading it on toast and croissants, eating it with honey and strawberry jam.
“There is something about the butteriness and smoothness and spiciness of it,” Delis said. “It’s a really interesting surprise.”
They began researching ways to bring Haitian mamba to Montreal. With the city’s Haitian community numbering close to 100,000, they figured they had a sizable potential market. Plus, Dumornay says, Quebecers are always open to new flavours — and they have long had a natural affinity for Haiti.
D&D Mamba comes in three versions — hot, medium-hot and mild — and sells for $8 for a 500-gram jar. DAVE SIDAWAY / MONTREAL GAZETTE
The partners wanted to come up with a peanut butter just like the ones Haitians eat: made from dry-roasted Haitian peanuts, organic cane sugar, salt and hot chili pepper. They wanted it to have a rich, nutty flavour with the telltale after-burn that accompanies a scoop of Haitian mamba.
“You don’t feel the spice right away, it kind of creeps up on you,” Dumornay says.
First, they explored making their mamba in Haiti and shipping it here for sale. But it was difficult to get basic supplies, like jars, and the shipping costs proved exorbitant. Finally, they settled upon a plan that sees the already-shelled peanuts shipped from Haiti to Montreal for roasting and grinding in a factory in Ville St-Laurent that already makes other nut butters.
The peanuts are grown on small farms in Haiti, mostly in the rural Plateau Central region and in the north, near Cap Haitien; a portion used also come from Georgia in the United States. Peanuts, indigenous to Peru, were brought to Africa by European explorers, then made their way to Haiti, via the slave trade. And with its tropical climate, Haiti proved to be fertile terrain for peanut cultivation. For as long as anyone can remember, peanut butter has been a part of the daily diet. Now, the legume offers something else — a ray of hope for an economically and agriculturally challenged country.
Dumornay and Delis’s D&D Mamba is among a handful of international companies that support Haiti’s fledgling peanut export trade, which got a big boost when former U.S. president Bill Clinton’s foundation helped create a private, for-profit corporation to help Haitian peanut farmers. Under the plan, the corporation, called Acceso, provides small farmers with credit, seeds, supplies and training to help them improve their yields. And then it purchases their peanuts at competitive market prices and resells them to larger buyers and to the general market. According to the Clinton Foundation, these efforts have doubled the yield of most farmers and increased their income by as much as 50 per cent.
Delis and Dumornay’s Mamba peanut butter quickly found a niche in Montreal. Though the product has been for sale only since last October, they have already sold close to 4,000 jars. It comes in three versions — hot, medium-hot and mild — and sells for $8 for a 500-gram jar. For now, it’s available on weekends at the Mamba stall at Atwater Market, through Lufa Farms and at six gourmet food stores around Montreal, including Marché des saveurs at Jean Talon Market.
How to eat mamba? Spread it on baguette or crackers, with or without a dollop of jam or a spoonful of molasses. That’s how it is eaten in Haiti. But D&D’s Facebook followers have been posting recipes for spicy peanut butter and cocoa muffins, Haitian hot chocolate, and other sweet and savoury dishes. Dumornay adds mamba to papaya-banana smoothies and finds the salty-spicy nuttiness lends itself to Asian satay sauces and to Senegalese stews.
The Core Group welcomes the installation of a new Prime Minister
and his Cabinet and calls on all actors to redouble their efforts to ensure the implementation of the 5 February Agreement
Port-au-Prince, 26 March 2016- The Special Representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and the other members of the "Core Group" (the Ambassadors of Brazil, Canada, France, Spain, United States of America, the European Union and the Special Representative of the Organization of American States) welcome the confirmation, by Parliament, of the government programme of Prime Minister Enex J. Jean-Charles and his imminent installation along with the Cabinet.
The members of the “Core Group”, underscoring the vital role of institutional stability to overcome the challenges facing the country, hope that a spirit of national unity will continue to guide the implementation of the 5 February Agreement. They call on all actors to take resolute action in this regard and to proceed with the re-establishment of the Provisional Electoral Council and the completion of the 2015 electoral process to facilitate the return to full Constitutional order.
Haiti: the statement of general policy of Enex Jean-Charles was ratified by both chambers
PORT-AU-PRINCE - The senators of the Republic ratified the statement of general policy of the appointed Prime Minister Enex Jean-Charles unanimously, with twenty 20 votes for, and 0 votes against. There were no abstention.
On the other hand, in the Lower House, the number of members of parliament present was insufficient, for a quorum. Only 52 members were present, whereas, a minimum of 60 was necessary to have a quorum. As a result, the members were dismissed.
Surprisingly later that evening, a quorum took place and 78 members of parliament (House) voted for, while one voted against, two 2 abstained from voting.
Mister Enex Jean-Charles is now the new Prime Minister of the country.
Sandra Honoré "Return the country to its constitutional order as quickly as possible"
Evoking a "political uncertainty following the interruption of the electoral process" in Haiti, the members of UN Security Council consider that the "return of the country to its constitutional order as quickly as possible" is critical, Sandra Honoré, chief of the UN peace mission in Haiti, shared with the media.
Before popular demonstrations in January 22nd, 2016 forced the electoral institution to postpone the elections, the international community was united as a Core Group for the pursuit of the election process.
The United Nations Security Council seems to see no other alternative to the Haitian crisis than "to complete without further delay" the controversial elections of 2015.
"There is no alternative to return to constitutional order than through the holding of free, transparent and inclusive elections," maintain the members of the Security Council and their partners.
The Haitian parties involved have to "double their efforts for a fast exit from the political crisis and a return on the path of the institutional stability through the holding of democratic, inclusive and fair elections," preached the UN.
The member countries of the Security Council believe that the political actors are aware of their big responsibility and they are going to act "in all sincerity in the best interests of the nation and its citizens.”
"The economic decline marked by the fall of public and private investments, a very low economic growth, an inflation aggravated by the drought and its effects on agricultural production” combined with a growing insecurity, and 1.5 million Haitians facing food insecurity has made life almost intolerable for the citizens of Haiti.
Although it has been present Haiti with the aim of stabilization, the UN Security Council finds itself pleading for "the return for constitutional order" as fast as possible.
The conclusion of the process remains on the shoulder of the Haitian people, stressed Honore, who believes that the Minustah did not fail Haiti.
Deepens, International Organizations Are Reducing Aid Just as the Country Needs It Most
Economic growth is stagnant, and millions of Haitians are facing food shortages after a series of droughts in the countryside.
By Jake Johnston / AlterNet
March 25, 2016
More than a month after his selection as Haiti’s provisional president, Jocelerme Privert finally has a government. His nomination for prime minister, and a 16 member cabinet, was approved by parliament in a marathon session that ended early this morning. It was a necessary first step in getting the delayed electoral process moving again, though no official date has been set. But as the political crisis drags on, international actors are increasing the pressure on the provisional government, reducing aid just as the country needs it most.
Economic growth is stagnant, and millions of Haitians are facing food shortages after a series of droughts in the countryside. With inflation well in the double digits and a local currency that has lost 20 percent of its value in the last six months, many Haitians are scrambling to survive. But, an International Monetary Fund (IMF) agreement, which could provide funds necessary to stabilize the economy and exchange rate, has stalled. Furthermore, support from the European Union and other donors is contingent upon the IMF agreement, leaving Haiti even worse off.
Newly installed Provisional President Jocelerme Privert has warned of an “alarming and catastrophic” economic situation, adding that the state has few resources to respond to the many humanitarian crises still plaguing the country. In a radio interview earlier this month, Privert stated that because of the IMF delays, “all non-humanitarian funding is blocked.”
In an e-mailed statement, the IMF said that disbursements had been delayed because “the political transition in Haiti has taken longer than expected.” The Fund said it hoped the “conditions [for reengaging] can be put into place as soon as possible.” The IMF did not respond when asked if the elections were one of these “conditions.”
A World Bank spokesperson said that existing projects would continue, but that the bank would have to “discuss with our management” before any new programs were approved or new agreements signed. The Inter-American Development Bank rejected Privert’s comments, stating: “neither IMF program evolution nor the current political situation have any impact to date on our support to the country.” However, the IDB added that there would need to be a review of the economic situation in the coming months before 2016 budget support could be released. The IMF program had anticipated $27 million in IDB budget support being released this month. The European Union significantly reduced its budget support last month.
Despite the impacts on the Haitian people, some suggest the reduction is being used as leverage to influence the ongoing political crisis. According to Robert Fatton, a professor at the University of Virginia, this type of financial squeezing is another form of political coercion in order to force the Haitian government and its citizens “into accepting certain political choices that they might otherwise reject.”
Elections were postponed in January after months of protests and calls for an investigation into electoral fraud. Privert was elected by parliament as provisional president for a term of 120 days after former President Michel Martelly’s term ended on February 7. A political accord, signed on Martelly’s way out of office, tentatively set the date for the postponed election for April 24.
International actors have tried to combat the allegations of fraud and calls for a further verification of the results before moving forward. At a U.N. Security Council meeting last week, representatives from the United States and European Union insisted that elections be held within the accord’s timeframe, based on previous results.
But at a recent event in Washington, D.C., Pierre Esperance, the director of a prominent Haitian human rights organization, said there “is not even a 1 percent chance” that the election can be held as scheduled. He warned that a verification “commission must happen, otherwise there will be no election.” Privert has indicated that he would be open to such a commission.
After having pushed for the previously scheduled elections to be held despite mounting opposition, the international community is now ratcheting up the pressure on the provisional government to stick to the tentative electoral calendar and forego a verification of the vote.
Asked by the Miami Herald editorial board if the U.S. would support a verification commission for the election, the U.S. State Department Special Coordinator for Haiti, Kenneth Merten, said that it was not up to the U.S., but added: “people in Haiti will need to make that decision knowing what other things are at stake in Haiti right now … There is an opportunity cost for political machinations.”
The reduction of aid “is a sign that the international community wants neither a prolongation of the electoral process, nor the creation of an independent commission of verification,” Fatton added.
Donors say they are hesitant to work with an unelected provisional government. Kent Brokenshire, the Deputy Special Coordinator for Haiti at the State Department, told a crowded room in Congress earlier this month that the U.S. wanted elections quickly so that there would be a “democratically elected head of state with whom we would be able to deal country to country.” Yet in the past donors have shown no reluctance to working with Haiti’s transitional governments.
In the early 2000s, development assistance to Haiti was curtailed under then-president Jean-Bertrand Aristide, but, after the February 2004 coup and installation of a transitional government, the IMF actually signed a new agreement with the country to help “stabilize the economy and cope with the immediate impact of the [political] conflict.” International actors then held a donor conference a few months later to raise funds for Haiti. The U.S. committed to tripling its aid disbursements.
Many in Haiti also hold the international community at least partially responsible for the current political crisis. After intervening in the 2010 elections that brought Martelly to office, international actors showed unwavering support throughout the Haitian government’s six years in office, despite multiple elections never being held. Then, after deeply marred legislative and first-round elections in 2015, the international community backed the results, urging the process to continue despite local election observers denouncing a “massive