Politic : Vote of confidence, the PM in the hunt for votes
29/02/2016 11:29:21

 

http://www.haitilibre.com/images/tr.gif" >

Haiti-Libre - Invested since Friday as Prime minister in charge to constitute a transitional government http://www.haitilibre.com/en/news-16725-haiti-flash-inauguration-of-the-prime-minister-named.html , the economist Fritz-Alphonse Jean must now make sure to get a vote of confidence in Parliament on his General Policy. A task all the more difficult, that no political group constituted in Parliament in both houses, holds an absolute majority, which will force him to negotiate with all political blocs to try to secure the 16 votes in the Senate and 60 votes in the lower house, the majority required to obtain a vote of confidence.

The Senate currently consists of 2 groups. The majority opposition group (G15) composed of 15 senators, including the President of the Upper House (who may not vote) seems acquired to the Prime Minister, which theoretically represents 14 votes. He will therefore have to convince two senators of the minority group (G9) to vote in his favor, which is not earned if the minority senators are in solidarity, the G9 having disapprove the nomination of the Prime Minister and does not intend to endorse his General Policy statement as stated by the G9 leader Sen. Youri Latortue.

The lower house is composed of 3 political blocs constituted : the majority Block "Parliamentary Alliance for Haiti" (APH) composed f 48deputies (G48), which has taken a position against the nomination of Fritz Jean as Prime Minister and accordingly against his General Policy, "The Provisional President should not choose a friend as Prime Minister he must choose a person who will carry out the elections, to complement those already begun, for the country to have a chance and be equipped with an elected president," declared Deputy Rony Célestin, President of G48.

The other two blocks together represent 44 deputies. The "Parliamentary Group at the Listening of the People" composed of 33 deputies of various trends and the" Group of independent deputies" (GPI) composed of 11 independent deputies. Here again Prime Minister Jean must try to convince of Deputies of majority group to vote for his general policy, if he wants to get the 60 votes required.

According Abel Descollines, the first Secretary of the Chamber of Deputies and member of the Group of Independent Deputies the GPI which appears as a block above the personal interests and at the services of interests of the Nation, and which does not intend to become blocking element to the vote of confidence of the General Policy of the Prime Minister, as long as the latter meets the constitutional requirements.

Education : The Digicel Foundation inaugurates 5 schools
28/02/2016 09:58:42

 

http://www.haitilibre.com/images/tr.gif" >

Haiti-Libre - Continuing its program to build schools throughout Haiti in order to contribute to the improvement of the quality of education, the Digicel Foundation has recently proceeded to the inauguration of 5 new construction projects.

Part of first 20 schools built by the Digicel Foundation during its first year of operation, the Community School of Bigue, in the commune of Gros Morne as been rehabilitated and 3 new classrooms have been added to meet the demand of the community. The École Mixte Emmanuel in Gérald Bataille / Port-au-Prince, one of modular schools, built in containers after the 2010 earthquake has also been modified and was able also to benefit of three new classrooms.

Three other schools have been inaugurated recently: the National School of Yayou in Saint Raphaël, the National School Charlemagne Péralte to Maïssade and the Community School ANC of Grande Savane in Fort Jacques. With these new openings, over 1,000 students were added to the children who attend the schools of the Foundation, they are now more than 52,000 students to benefit from.

Commenting on the series of inaugurations, Sophia Stransky, the Executive Director of the Digicel Foundation stated "Every school inauguration is a proud moment for the Foundation, we not only offer an adequate and safe environment for hundreds of children but we allow communities to strengthen [...] These new inauguration bring to 158 the number of schools projects already completed by the Digicel Foundation throughout the national territory, we are on the right track to reach our goal that is to reach 175 construction projects in Haiti by December 2016."

 

Haiti’s leaders must put country’s interest first

Chaos averted at the last minute by postponing election

Achieving democracy will not be painless

Haiti’s woefully weak economy makes progress harder


BY SIR RONALD SANDERS

sirronaldsanders.com

Haiti has made a firm and important first step in taking responsibility for its affairs after decades of external interference. An agreement, reached on the night of February 5, twenty-four hours before the Presidency of Michel Martelly ended in accordance with the Constitution, was as historic as it was vital.

As I said in a report to the Permanent Council of the Organisation of American States (OAS) on a Special Mission I led to Haiti from January 31 to February 6, prior to the February 5 agreement, “Haiti faced — in very stark and real terms — a situation of potential chaos”.

SANDERS

On the ground, these are the realities that confronted the country:

President Martelly was demitting office in 7 days with no elected successor, and no agreed mechanism for how the country would be governed; political actors were jockeying for power, making agreement on a mechanism for an interim government extremely difficult; there was tension, uncertainty and simmering conflict; and the existing amended 1987 Constitution made no provision for a transitional government.

In this troubling scenario, there was no legal answer and no space for an externally-imposed “solution”. A way out of the morass had to be a political compact, made by the main Haitian players; it had to be one that they owned or there would be no chance for its implementation.

Of course, there were many claimants for the role of who should agree the way forward for Haiti. In the presidential election, which was suspended in January because of politically-organized violence, there were 54 candidates for the presidency. But, the first round held last October had resulted in two candidates securing 58.08 percent% between them. That left 52 losers for whom, as I told the OAS Permanent Council on February 12, “blaming the (elections) process as a whole is an irresistible magnet”. Nonetheless, despite their overwhelming rejection by the electorate, many of the 52 candidates have remained active, with a few not averse to dispatching their followers to the streets for protests.

The two “winners” of the first round of the October Presidential electoral contest were Jovenel Moise of PHTH (Martelly’s party) with 32.81 percent and Jude Celestin of LAPEH with 25.27 percent. As to be expected, Celestin led the chorus of the disappointed presidential contenders who alleged “massive fraud”, although none of the independent observers of the elections agreed. All the international observer groups concurred on many irregularities that were not sufficient to materially affect the first-round election result.

The second round, scheduled for December was postponed to January following demands by many of the candidates, led by Celestin, for changes in the process. But, even after changes were made, Celestin declared he would not contest the election. However, he did not withdraw his name formally. In the event, organized violence led to the second-round being suspended.

On the eve of Martelly’s departure, therefore, the country was faced with a crisis to which the existing Constitution provided no answer. Potentially it would be anarchy since no government would be in place. The judges of the Supreme Court themselves revealed to the OAS mission that I led that the answer to the problem was not legal; it had to be political but as close to the Constitution and the law as possible.

Recourse to a solution therefore resided in the only two institutions of government that were in existence with legitimate authority. Those were: Martelly, who was still constitutionally the president, and the National Assembly embodied by its President Jocelerme Privert. That is why these two constitutional entities were encouraged to find and agree on a solution that would take the country over the immediate obstacle of a constitutional vacuum, following Martelly’s departure without an elected successor, and would establish a mechanism for choosing an interim president and an interim prime minister to superintend the country’s affairs with a clear road map to the election of a new president by an agreed and certain date.

They did so at the 11th hour and after much debate, mind-changing, and interventions by vested interests. For instance, some persons, who would no longer command authority once Martelly demitted office, were encouraging him to continue in office after February 7 and until a new President could be elected. Had Martelly remained in office one day past February 7, a political fire of protests would have been lit that could have engulfed Haiti and retarded any hope of progress for decades. The cost to Haiti and its neighbors would have been beyond contemplation. The OAS is right to be satisfied with the friendly but impartial role it has played in Haiti, always at the request of its government.

The agreement, signed on the night of February 5 by Martelly, Privert and the president of the Lower Chamber of the National Assembly, Chozler Chancy, was imperative. As I said to the assembled Haitian negotiators, immediately after they signed the agreement in the Presidential Palace, they had “written their names in an important page of Haiti’s history, showing the world that they are capable of making mature decisions in a democratic way that would redound to Haiti’s benefit”.

The terms of the agreement have been met and are being implemented. Martelly demitted office properly with a passionate address to the National Assembly, and the Assembly agreed on the election of an Interim President — Privert — in a process that took less than 24 hours through spirited debate and bargaining. As I write, nominations for the interim prime minister are being discussed and should be settled shortly.

Haitian decision-makers have taken a crucial first step toward a sustainable democracy. Achieving it will not be painless, not least because it is all too easy for political losers to seek advantage by organising street demonstrations. Further, without a history of debate and decision-making within solid governmental institutions, democratic processes will be severely tested, and it will be up to the Haitian leaders to put the interests of their country first.

All this is more complicated because of Haiti’s poor economic circumstances. Its GDP per capita is $820, less than one-tenth of the Latin American average. Sixty percent of the population lives below the poverty line and the richest 20 percent accounts for 62 percent of the income. Shockingly, of the population of more than 10 million people, only 500,000 are in permanent employment. This situation is exacerbated by the expulsion by the Dominican Republic of Haitians who found work or were born in that country.

The Haitian leaders deserve every commendation and encouragement for the mature manner in which they have tackled their constitutional and political crisis. After the installation of a new, democratically-elected President, they will need to do much more, including reform of the Constitution, judiciary, electoral system and the system of maintaining law and order. In that way, they will encourage the countries of the Americas to help them help themselves.

Sir Ronald Sanders is chairman of the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States and Ambassador of Antigua and Barbuda.

 

U.S.-educated economist is new interim Haiti prime minister

BY JACQUELINE CHARLES

Cette adresse e-mail est protégée contre les robots spammeurs. Vous devez activer le JavaScript pour la visualiser.

Fritz Alphonse Jean, a U.S.-educated economist who once headed Haiti’s central bank, was installed Friday as the country’s new prime minister to help lead a caretaker government and complete suspended elections that have left Haiti without an elected president or full parliament.

In his acceptance speech, Jean acknowledged that his task is huge: He must not only create the conditions necessary for Haiti to hold free, fair, and transparent presidential and partial legislative elections by April 24, but simultaneously re-establish macro-economic stability.

“I am aware of the task ... that you have entrusted to me to win the trust of all stakeholders in this crisis,” Jean said.

Jean was tapped for the No. 2 job in the government by provisional President Jocelerme Privert. Privert spent two weeks in consultations with political and civic leaders to find a consensus prime minister as part of the Feb. 5 accord outlining the steps for a 120-day provisional government.

More technocrat than politician, Jean’s designation has stirred controversy, raising questions about how long before he and the consensus government he must now form can get to work.

While technically prime minister under Haiti’s amended 1987 constitution, Jean must still go before parliament to get a vote of confidence on his political program. Parliamentarians can reject the program, therefore holding up Jean’s ability to legitimately function. Some lawmakers close to former President Michel Martelly have argued that Jean is neither the consensus prime minister that the accord demanded, nor apolitical, and has roots in the same Fanmi Lavalas Party as Privert.

On Friday, outgoing Prime Minister Evans Paul also logged his objections. Surrounded by members of his soon-to-be-axed Cabinet, Paul accused Privert of violating the terms of the accord. He announced a boycott of the ceremony saying, “We are not going to help lead the country into chaos.”

Paul has been in a hostile public campaign against Privert, 62, ever since the interim president told reporters last week that Haiti was in dire financial straights.

Paul disputed the claims, while pointing out that the former Haitian Senate head, who was elected provisional president on Feb. 14 in a joint session of parliament, is the main beneficiary of the accord, which he helped negotiate. The same criticism, however, was made of Paul when he was tapped by Martelly in December 2014 to lead a consensus government after a presidential commission he sat on called for the removal of Martelly’s friend and business partner, Prime Minister Laurent Lamothe, to stave off a worsening political crisis.

Privert called on Haitians to set aside personal interests and work to help Haiti get out of the current crisis.

“We are all Haitians,” he said. “Let’s stop wasting time.”

Governor of the Banque de la République d’Haïti (BRH) from 1998 to 2001, Jean was the choice of human-rights organizations. Some interpret his selection as a sign that Privert views the provisional government’s role as broader than merely organizing elections. Privert also believes it should prevent a total collapse of the Haitian economy.

Since October, Haiti’s domestic currency has dropped in value by 17.75 percent and a factory worker today earns less today —$3.87 a day — after a hike in the minimum wage than before.

“The country’s finances are in an alarming and catastrophic situation,” Privert said last week during his first news conference.

A week before Privert took office, Martelly had stepped down from the presidency without an elected successor because of the disputed elections.

Privert has said that he intends “to do everything in my power, everything that depends on me, everything that depends on my ability, to meet the deadline and act in strict compliance with the deadline.” While trying to find a prime minister, he has also asked various sectors to designate individuals to fill six vacant seats on the Provisional Electoral Council.

Among the names that have been sent in is that of Jacques Bernard. A U.S. Agency for International Development employee, Bernard was designated by business leaders. He is considered a leading expert on Haiti’s electoral system. He served as executive director of the electoral council in 2006 but fled the country after citing fears for his life. He was tapped again in the 2010 elections to help verify the vote. Bernard’s name was proposed last year, but U.S. officials opposed his appointment.

A fiscal expert and former director of the Haitian revenue service (DGI), Privert has announced sweeping changes to reduce government spending. The new government, he has said, will have no more than 15 ministers. He also has not ruled out a financial audit to look into allegations of mismanagement and corruption by the Martelly administration.

He also asked Paul to suspend all appointments to public institutions, including foreign embassies and consulates, where dozens of nominations were made on the eve of Martelly’s departure. Firing back in the news media, Paul this week said the appointments were requested by legislators. He and Finance Minister Wilson Laleau also disputed Privert’s bleak view of the country’s finances, saying there is no reason for alarm.

Sources close to the president said that while organizing elections remains a top priority of the administration, so too is taking control of the country’s finances. In recent days, the palace has raised questions about a number of disbursements, including the granting of a $20 million line of credit by Laleau to an Israeli firm to control the country’s border with the Dominican Republic. Laleau defended his decision Thursday morning during an interview on Magik 9, saying the contract existed before the change of administrations.

In a communique, the palace has also demanded the return of all state-owned vehicles from former employees of the Martelly administration.

A vocal critic of the Martelly government’s unbridled spending, Jean was born in Cap-Haïtien and calls the town of Sainte-Suzanne in the northeast, home. A proponent of development of Haiti’s neglected northern region, he serves as president of the chamber of commerce of the Northeast Department.

Between 2007 and 2010, Jean was president of YMCA-Haiti. He’s a founding member of the Haitian Stock Exchange and an advocate of tourism promotion. He studied economics and mathematics at Fordham University and the New School for Social Research in New York before pursuing his professional career in Haiti.

In 1996, Jean was named vice governor of the central bank. Two years later, he was appointed governor. During his tenure, he signed the contract that led to the construction of the bank’s gleaming building in downtown Port-au-Prince. The move put him in conflict with then-President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and forced his 2001 departure from the bank.

 

Tzu Chi Foundation

Tzu Chi Foundation is feeding the poor patients in Haiti.

Tzu Chi volunteers in Haiti, are trying to put Master's teachings in practice. They cook themselves good vegetarian food to feed the poor patients. They also serve the food themselves. They are trying to promote vegetarian recipes and nutrition information dedicated to educating the poor patients and the interrelated issues of health and nutrition.