OAS tells Haiti opposition to back off — and tells president to start governing
JUNE 19, 2019
A fact-finding mission from the Organization of American States concluded its visit on Wednesday to a politically volatile Haiti with two messages, and a proposal to help bring those implicated in a Venezuela PetroCaribe aid corruption scandal to justice.
For the frustrated masses seeking to depose Haitian President Jovenel Moïse: “We will always support rule of law. If you don’t like Moïse, the solution is to beat him at the ballot box. We are not going to ask him to resign,” said an official speaking on background because of the sensitive nature of the discussions. Moïse is in the third year of a five-year term.
And for the president: “You have to govern, and right now you are not governing.”
During the talk with Moïse, the delegation proposed putting together an OAS-sanctioned commission made up of international financial experts to help Haitian government auditors determine how much was stolen from the PetroCaribe aid fund, and who should be prosecuted.
Moïse, the official said, agreed. “He said he was ready to go to Washington and sign. He said he has nothing to hide.”
The handpicked successor of former Haitian President Michel Martelly, Moïse is among several Martelly supporters and ex-government officials accused of embezzling millions of dollars in the latest government audit of the program. The audit was issued on May 31 by Haiti’s Superior Court of Auditors and Administrative Disputes. It looks at six governments under three different presidents, but it is the alleged corruption involving Moïse, who sold himself as a banana farmer during the presidential campaign, that has spurred nationwide violent protests and growing calls for his resignation.
“There can’ t be impunity. Whoever stole money needs to be held accountable,” the official said.
The delegation drove through the capital, where, nearly 10 years after the Jan. 12, 2010, earthquake, government ministries are still unrestored. The buildings were supposed to be replaced with money from the PetroCaribe fund. A lot of that money was wasted or stolen, according to auditors.
“It was very apparent,” the official said. “A lot of fraud took place.”
The high-level visit, led by U.S. OAS Ambassador Carlos Trujillo, who chairs the permanent council and general committee of the hemispheric organization, lasted about five hours. He was joined by U.S. Ambassador to Haiti Michele Sison, OAS Haiti representative Cristobal Dupouy and Gonzalo Koncke, chief of staff for OAS Secretary General Luis Almagro.
After arriving in Port-au-Prince early Wednesday morning, Trujillo headed straight to Moïse’s residence in the hills of the capital, where he was joined by the foreign minister, Bocchit Edmond. Having refused suggestions for about a month to bring Haiti’s crisis to the attention of the OAS permanent council, Edmond finally did so on June 14, asking Trujillo if he could come see if the OAS can facilitate dialogue between the president and those demanding his resignation.
“We are not mediators,” said the official, adding that the aim of the OAS is to help put in place conditions for a dialogue, not dictate one.
It was at the president’s residence that the delegation made it clear to the president that he has to step up. The protests have stalled government functions. Banks are opened half a day. Revenues are not coming in or being collected, and earlier this week the finance minister said instead of 2.5 percent economic growth, Haiti can expect to see less than 1 percent.
Moïse, the official said, complained that while he has support in the lower chamber of deputies, he lacks a two-thirds majority in the Senate, which has thwarted his ability to get a new government in place, four months after the lower chamber fired the last prime minister. Of 29 senators, only four are viewed as opposition.
“You don’t need an absolute majority,” the official insisted.
After meeting with Moïse, the group conferred with the representatives of Canada, Brazil, the United Nations and other OAS member countries. They also heard from four members of civil society, and the representatives of two of the more moderate political parties, Fusion and OPL, along with an ex-Senate president, Kely Bastien.
Not part of the discussions: representatives of the private sector, which has been asking the president for months for a dialogue. Also not invited were members of the structured grassroots movement Nou Pap Domi (We are not sleeping) and the radical opposition, both of which have been rallying Haitians into the streets in demonstrations that have become increasingly violent.
If Trujillo was hoping to find a more moderate stance on whether Moïse should stay, and a dialogue was possible, some in attendance said he did not get it. Meanwhile, the exclusion of the more outspoken players in Haiti’s brewing political crisis had even some members of the foreign diplomatic corps, wondering if the OAS’ visit could produce the needed dialogue between Moïse and those demanding his departure.
“This shows a willingness by the OAS to impose a solution without listening to the popular demands of the population,” Nou Pap Domi said in a statement. “[But] we at Nou Pap Domi are committed to finding a solution to Haiti with Haitians.
“The presence of the OAS does not change our position,” the organization added. “But we wrote the OAS on June 8, 2019, to inform them that we do not recognize the legitimacy of President Jovenel Moïse and we have no trust in him leading the country because he has serious allegations that involve corruption.”
Edmonde Supplice Beauzile, a former senator and current head of Fusion, said the meeting has not changed her party’s position on Moïse.
“We cannot lose time with him. He’s not credible,” she said of the president. “The OAS has to start working for the goodwill of the Haitian people and not a person who doesn’t have leadership or credibility.”
OAS should promote systemic change in Haiti not an external agenda
Jun 21, 2019
By Sir Ronald Sanders
In what is increasingly becoming a pattern of ignoring established procedures and authority in the Organisation of American States (OAS), a delegation went to troubled Haiti on June 19 without any discussion or mandate by the Permanent Council, the organ responsible for making and overseeing policy between General Assemblies.
The results of the unmandated OAS delegation to Haiti are left to be seen, but early reports by the US public service broadcaster, the Voice of America (VOA), indicate a hostile response so far.
Over the last few weeks, massive protests have rocked Haiti with thousands nationwide demanding the resignation of President Jovenel MoÏse over fraud and corruption allegations. A report, published on May 31, concerning misspending of monies from a PetroCaribe Fund implicated two companies closely connected to President MoÏse. While he has denied the allegations, protests have intensified.
A May 2019 report on Haiti by the US-based Institute for Justice and Democracy states that MoÏse’s “administration has engaged in human rights abuses, flouted the rule of law, and mismanaged the economy in ways that disproportionately impact the poor. In the long term, this administration’s failures are enabled by years of flawed elections, a dysfunctional justice system and domestic and foreign economic policies that have impoverished the majority of Haitians”.
The usual response in the OAS to situations such as Haiti now faces, is that countries, like the United States and Canada, backed by others, call for the establishment of a Working Group to monitor the situation in the country; demand the establishment of investigatory machinery; insist that the Government provide guarantees for safety of protestors; and stipulate that a supervised process of dialogue be instituted between all political parties. Further the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights quickly produces reports that are used to rouse international pressure on governments.
This is what occurred in relation to other countries, most recently Nicaragua, but oddly it is not what happened in relation to Haiti, even though the MoÏse government joined in OAS resolutions that condemned the governments of Venezuela and Nicaragua.
In fairness, I note that the delegation of Canada had weeks ago suggested to the Haitian representatives that the situation in the country be brought before the Permanent Council – a request that was resisted by Haiti’s representation at the OAS.
Instead of action being taken on the authority of the Permanent Council after due deliberation and decision, the visit of a delegation to Haiti seems to have been organised between the Ambassador of the United States, Carlos Trujillo, and the Secretary-General, Luis Almagro in response to a letter of invitation from the Government of Haiti that, most unusually, was not distributed to OAS member states as is the norm.
The Haitian letter, dated June 14 according to the Miami Herald newspaper, has still not been circulated to member states of the OAS up to the time of writing.
The first official inkling that any OAS member state had of a delegation going to Haiti came on June 17 in an announcement by Ambassador Trujillo, unusually, in a meeting of a committee preparing for the OAS General Assembly and not in the right body, the Permanent Council. Ambassador Trujillo stated that: “The United States is pleased to accept this invitation in representation of all Council members”. Thereafter, a team he headed that included Gonzalo Koncke, the Chief of Staff to the OAS Secretary-General, went to Haiti on Wednesday, June 19 with no prior mandate or authority from the Permanent Council.
It is most unlikely that, having not discussed, authorized or mandated the delegation to Haiti and having never been made privy to the Haitian letter, that the entire Permanent Council of the OAS can embrace it, particularly as, according to media reports, the OAS was vilified by protestors. The VOA reported a representative of one protest group as stating: “That’s why we want everyone to know we do not recognize this (OAS) mission. Before they even arrived, we considered them persona non grata.”
In the event, the visit by Ambassador Trujillo’s delegation which was always a risky endeavour because of its suddenness, does not appear to have assuaged the concerns that have motivated the recent riots in Haiti or to have promoted dialogue. But time and events will better judge the efficacy of the effort.
Any OAS endeavour in Haiti required careful pre-planning with dedicated time to consulting fully with all sectors of the society for as long as it takes. A one-day visit, while a bold attempt, might not have been adequate.
The external approach to Haiti’s deep-seated problems is often rooted in the objective of stopping the thousands who flee its shores as refugees from its desperate poverty and in curbing the trafficking of drugs also occasioned by its abject poverty. The objective is less about helping Haiti and more about protecting the interests of others.
Yet, Haiti, with a population of 11 million, has less than a million people in permanent employment; over 60 percent of the population live in extreme poverty; the level of literacy is 61 per cent (in the rest of the Caribbean it is an average of 92 per cent); and it is plagued by corruption. In short, Haiti is a continuing powder keg of dissatisfaction. That it has managed not to erupt in greater conflict is a tribute to the tenacity of its people to survive; it is also an indication of how beaten-down and helpless the great majority feel.
Further, Haiti has been impoverished and kept in thrall to foreign occupiers for most of its existence since its revolution in 1804 to free its people from enslavement. Therefore, its people’s distrust of foreign interposition, especially when they feel the purpose is not in their broad interest, is understandable and should always be considered.
No piece meal response to Haiti’s fundamental economic and social problems and their attendant political instability, and no lectures, promises and pressures will quell disquiet.
The Haitian people are owed a great debt for their historic struggle that ended enslavement in their own country and opened the pathways to end slavery in all the Americas, especially as they continued to pay the price for almost two hundred years.
The OAS should address the situation in Haiti not in ad-hoc ways, but by using its convening capacity, in association with legitimate representatives of the Haitian community, to bring together the institutions of the international community in the delivery of a comprehensive scheme to reform and transform the country in all aspects of the governance of its political, social and economic systems.
(The writer is Ambassador of Antigua and Barbuda to the United States and the Organisation of American States. He is also a Senior Fellow at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies at the University of London and at Massey College in the University of Toronto. The views expressed are entirely his own)
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On Wednesday, June 19, 2019, Marcel Duret <
His Excellency Sir Ronald Sanders
Barbados representative at the OAS
Excellency,
My name is Marcel Duret and I am the former Haitian Ambassador in Japan.
I am writing you because you were instrumental to find a solution about 5 years ago when the mandate of President Martelly expired. I thank you very much for your invaluable contribution.
Most probably you are one of the members of the new OAS delegation which is already in Haiti. As food for thoughts I am sharing with you the following ideas:
- considering that Preaident Jovenel Moise has lost all of his credibility in the overall Haitian population, there is not much that can be done with him in terms of dialogue. All possible solutions must include his resignation;
- considering the weakness of most if not all the institutions in the country;
- considering that the constitution does not offer a valuable altwrnative;
- considering that certain changes must be included in the overall system that can not be brought to bear by one individual or one political party;
- considering that Haiti suffers from a lack of qualified men and women;
- considering that 5 years ago an attempt was made to create the Club of the Former Prime Ministers which rwpresent a wealth of experience and competence;
We, a group of Haitians who are worried about the future of our country Haiti, make the following humble suggestions:
1) the Club of the Ex Prime Minisyers is reactivited;
2) those who are cited as being involved in the PetroCaribe affairs would not be called upon to join;
3) the group would become the memwbers of a State Council whose mandate would be 3-4 years;
4) the OAS delegation objective should be to meet these individual on a one to one basis and later meet with them as a group;
5) on a rotation basis the position of the Council President would be changed every 6 months. The President of the Council being the President of Haiti.
6) the internal regulations of the Council would be elaborated by the members themselves with probably the help of the OAS.
Dears Ambassador Sanders,
This is a humble suggestion from some Haitians citizen who hope that the OAS delegation will give it some thoughts and share it with others they are meeting during their stay.
Thanks for your support to reach a solution which will be beneficial to all Haitians.
Best,
Marcel Duret
Former Haitian Ambassador in Japan
Tel: 3695-2134
Director-General urges justice for murder of journalist Rospide Pétion in Haiti
The Director-General of UNESCO, Audrey Azoulay, has condemned and called for an investigation into the killing of radio journalist Rospide Pétion in Haiti on 10 June.
“I condemn the killing of Rospide Pétion,” said the Director-General. “Investigating cases of violence against journalists and bringing their perpetrators to trial is indispensable for the defense of freedom of expression and of the press.”
Rospide Pétion, a journalist for Radio Sin Fin, was killed in Port-au Prince, capital of Haiti, as he was driving home from work in a company vehicle.
UNESCO promotes the safety of journalists through global awareness-raising, capacity building and a range of actions, notably in the framework of the UN Plan of Action on the
Two U.S. businessmen convicted of bribery in scheme involving $84M Haiti port project
June 20, 2019 10:22 PM
Dr. Joseph Baptiste, the chair and founder of the National Organization for the Advancement of Haitians, was convicted in a Boston court in a bribery scheme involving Haitian government officials.
A Haitian ambassador-at-large and his business partner, a prominent retired U.S. Army colonel, were both found guilty by a federal jury in Boston on Thursday of participating in a scheme to bribe Haitian government officials in exchange for business advantages on an $84 million port project in northwest Haiti.
Roger Boncy, the CEO of Hispaniola Invest, LLC, and a dual citizen of the United States and Haiti who lived in Madrid, and Dr. Joseph Baptiste, a Maryland dentist and founder and chairman of the National Organization for the Advancement of Haitians (NOAH), were convicted after a two-week jury trial. Both were found guilty of conspiring to violate the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and the Travel Act, while Baptiste, 66, was also convicted of conspiracy to commit money laundering and an additional Travel Act violation. Boncy, 74, was cleared of the latter two counts.
Under the federal Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, it is illegal for Americans or U.S. companies to pay foreign officials to win business. The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and the Travel Act counts carry a maximum of five years each in prison, while the more serious money-laundering conspiracy charge carries a maximum of 20 years. Both men are scheduled to be sentenced on Sept. 12 and will remain free until then, Boncy’s lawyer, Jed Dwyer of Greenberg Traurig said.
“Mr. Boncy is happy the jury acquitted him of the most serious counts,” Dwyer told the Miami Herald. “We disagree with, but respect, the jury’s decision on the least serious count.”
Baptiste’s attorney Donald LaRoche said: “Obviously we don’t agree with the verdict, but we are not done fighting.”
Both men came under the glare of U.S. officials after the FBI received a tip about the alleged scheme. It then conducted a sting operation in Boston, using undercover FBI agents posing as potential investors interested in the port project. The agents, for example, gave Baptiste two separate payments of $25,000 meant to be used to bribe Haitian government officials. The money was funneled through Baptiste’s nonprofit charity. The money, however, was “ultimately used ... for personal purposes” by Baptiste, an agent said in the criminal complaint.
Baptiste and Boncy were charged after prosecutors accused them of conspiring to pay millions of dollars in bribes to Haitian officials to be able to develop the port project in Mȏle St. Nicolas, a city in northwest Haiti. Prior to the charges, Boncy made frequent visits to Haiti, where he often spoke of the benefits of the project in bringing jobs to one of Haiti’s poorest regions and his frustrations with the lack of support from government officials.
U.N. establishes a replacement for departing Haiti peacekeepers
BY JACQUELINE CHARLES
The Miami Herald
JUNE 25, 2019 12:54 PM
The United Nations Security Council on Tuesday approved the establishment of a new political mission for Haiti to replace its departing blue-helmet peacekeepers this October after 15 years in the country.
With the United States calling it “a historic moment,” Security Council members voted 13-0 — with China and the Dominican Republic both abstaining — to request that U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres establish the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti, or BINUH, to succeed its U.N. Mission for Justice Support in Haiti.
The mandate of the latter will end on Oct. 15, and the new smaller special political mission will go into effect on Oct. 16. It will have an initial mandate of 12 months and, like its predecessors, be headed by a special representative of the secretary-general.
No one voted against the resolution, and the New York meeting lacked the vigorous debate of past Security Council discussions on the situation in Haiti. However, the representatives of Peru, Germany, France and the Dominican Republic all highlighted their disappointment on the lack of mention of climate change in the resolution, and its ramifications on Haiti’s security and stability.
“Haiti is one of the most vulnerable countries in the world to the adverse effects of climate change,” said Germany’s Permanent Representative Christoph Heusgen, who noted that this is the first time since 2011 that the Security Council failed to include a mention of climate change. “[The] effects of climate change in the case of Haiti constitute a threat multiplier, threatening to destabilize the country further to create new conflicts over increasingly diminished resources and to derail efforts in pace-building and stabilization.”
Patrick Saint-Hilaire, Haiti’s newly appointed chargé d’affaires to the U.N., said the new mission was “a step in the right direction,” and something President Jovenel Moïse has been working toward since January.
While he acknowledged Haiti is undergoing what he described as “major difficulties,” Saint-Hilaire said the situation “is no real threat to peace and international security.” Still, given Haiti’s vulnerability to natural disasters and climate change, on top of its ongoing humanitarian challenges and inability to revise agricultural production, he conceded: “We even fear hunger riots.”
This is the Security Council’s second transition in Haiti since peacekeepers returned in 2004 amid a bloody coup. After 13 years, a mixed legacy of stability and controversy, it ended its large multinational military presence in the country in 2017. It was succeeded by the current mission focused on justice, human rights and police development.
As that goes away, Haiti is once again in the throes of a deepening political crisis with violent protests demanding the resignation of Moïse amid corruption allegations.
At the same time, Haitians are seeing skyrocketing inflation, a rapid deterioration of their domestic currency, the gourde, and a recurrence of the kind of deadly gang violence that U.N. peacekeepers spent their first few years battling. A recently released U.N. investigation into a November massacre in the poor Haiti slum of La Saline in Port-au-Prince pointed the finger at the Haitian government and criticized the U.N.-trained police force for not doing enough to stop the slaughter.
MIGRATION
"When injustice becomes law, resistance becomes duty."
The captain of the Sea-Watch 3 charity rescue vessel threatened Tuesday to enter Italian waters illegally to bring 42 migrants to shore after they spent 13 days in limbo at sea.
Interior Minister Matteo Salvini has banned the Dutch-flagged vessel from approaching under a "closed ports" policy, which has seen migrants repeatedly stranded at sea.
"I will enter Italian waters and bring them to safety on Lampedusa," Carola Rackete said in an interview with La Repubblica daily, in reference to Italy's southernmost island.
The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in Strasbourg on Tuesday declined to intervene but called on Italy to "continue to provide all necessary assistance" to vulnerable migrants.
The German NGO Sea-Watch had asked the ECHR to impose "interim measures" on Italy, saying the court could ask Rome to take urgent steps to resolve the standoff in order to "prevent serious and irremediable violations of human rights".
Salvini said Tuesday the charity vessel could "stay there until Christmas and New Year" but would never be allowed in.
Of the 53 migrants initially rescued by the Sea-Watch 3 off Libya on June 12, Italy took in 11 vulnerable people.
"That's enough! Whatever Strasbourg tells us, with great serenity we will maintain our position," Salvini said.
"Imagine if a country like Italy -- the second-largest industrial power in Europe -- let an NGO dictate immigration rules," he said.
On Lampedusa, where Salvini's far-right League won 45 percent in May's European elections, a priest has camped in the street to demand those on board -- including three minors -- be allowed to disembark.
Dozens of German cities have said they are ready to welcome them, and the Bishop of Turin, Cesare Noviglia, said Monday his diocese would be willing to take them in.
"We can't hold on any longer. It's like we're in a prison because we are deprived of everything. Help us, think of us," one migrant from the Ivory Coast said in a video broadcast by Sea-Watch.
In January, 32 migrants rescued by the vessel were stranded on board for 18 days before they were allowed to disembark in Malta thanks to a distribution deal made between several European countries.
Those on-board Sea-Watch 3 risk prosecution for aiding illegal immigration, as well as the seizure of the boat and a fine of 50,000 euros, according to a new decree of the Italian Minister of the Interior.
Doctors Without Borders humanitarian affairs adviser Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui told the Star: “Every stand-off at sea further exposes how broken the European asylum system is, as politicians prioritize political point-scoring rather than the wellbeing of vulnerable people.
“Men, women and children continue to flee Libya, where many suffer in detention centers in inhumane conditions amidst an active conflict. There must be sustainable, reliable and predictable disembarkation systems for survivors where they will be treated humanely and will be able to seek asylum.
“As European governments criminalize search and rescue efforts, we see that they are losing their humanity.
“Fining humanitarian actors for rescuing people at sea is like fining ambulances for bringing patients to hospital.
“Saving lives is not a crime, it’s a duty. Life must prevail over political grandstanding.”
We urge the European Institutions, the Council of Europe and the European Court of Human Rights to take action and protect Carola against any charges. Saving life cannot be criminalized.
Beach hotels on the Côte des Arcadins are about to close their doors!
HaitiReyèl 3
Because of the insecurity that has arisen in recent days due to political turbulence, most of the beaches in this tourist area have closed.
Royal Decameron is in a difficult situation, dropping from 420 to 20 employees… The dismissal of staff has become the catchword to severely avoid any possible bankruptcy.
Moulin Sur Mer, known for its attractions that bring
explorers, is on the verge of closing because in recent weeks it has not had a single customer.
Those who work in the tourism sector are mourning with tears, as each political commotion causes the involuntary withdrawal of tourists, and the ongoing removal of Haiti on the world tourism map. Each political unrest reaffirms that the country is not prepared to peacefully receive visitors, not ready for investors jockeying for its development, and not prepared for tourists who want to explore our territory, and immerse in its tropical atmosphere.
As a result, it is Haiti that loses. It is our local entrepreneurs who close the doors of their businesses. It is the employees who are going home without hope as the unemployment rate continues to rise.
Kenley Jean-Baptiste
Asylum-seeker from Haiti finds an army of supporters in Cleveland
Ansly Damus spent over two years in jail despite having committed no crime. Ted Koppel reports on how he came to live in Melody Hart and Gary Benjamin's upstairs bedroom in Cleveland Heights, Ohio
It's a proud Independence Day tradition, naturalization ceremonies for new U.S. citizens across the land, including one at Monticello, the home of Thomas Jefferson. Yet even as others take the oath of citizenship this Thursday, a refugee from the Caribbean is continuing his fight for the right to stay.
This is the story of how Ansly Damus, a 42-year-old asylum seeker from Haiti, came to be living in Melody Hart and Gary Benjamin's upstairs bedroom in Cleveland Heights, Ohio.
Melody and Gary told Ted Koppel of "CBS Sunday Morning" no discussion was needed before taking Ansly in.
"We knew that could be his room without talking to each other," Gary said.
Gary, Melody and a bunch of neighbors who began calling themselves "Ansly's Army" were outraged that an asylum seeker who had committed no crime, was spending endless months in jail. He clearly needed help and they were ready to provide it.
But we're getting a little ahead of ourselves. Back in Haiti, where he was a teacher, Ansly spoke Creole and French. He taught mathematics and physics and ethics and pedagogy.
You know, "pedagogy," the theory and practice of education. Ansly Damus is an educated man.
His troubles began back in Haiti in 2014, when one of his former teachers went into politics. Ansly began peppering his lectures with references to that teacher's corruption.
In retaliation, he says in a court statement, the politician sent thugs to beat him and threaten his life. Ansly's father called him and told him to get out.
"'Leave your house. Leave your house,'" Ansly recalled him saying.
Ansly was afraid, he says, that if he stayed, his wife and two children would be in danger. So he left Haiti, ending up in Brazil. After 18 months, he says, he found Brazil too violent and claims he encountered too much discrimination.
So he decided to come to the United States.
Baja, California, is where Ansly sought asylum, where he was processed by the border patrol and ultimately shipped to a jail outside Cleveland to await his day in court. That turned into a very long stay.
"Two years, 27 days," Ansly said.
Understand, a jail is not the same as a prison. Jails are meant for short stays. This jail doesn't have exercise facilities, inside or outside. And you can't see through the windows.
After his first six months in jail, Ansly got word that an immigration judge, had ruled in his favor, but twice, Ansly was granted asylum by immigration courts and twice the government successfully appealed. All the while, Ansly stayed in jail.
According to Cecillia Wang, the deputy legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union, the long-term detention of asylum seekers is pretty commonplace these days.
"The vast majority of people who are now in immigration custody, 50,000 human beings on any given day, have no criminal record," Wang said. "They are fighting their deportation cases, and the majority of them don't pose a flight risk or a danger; and we are spending our tax money to lock people up in these abominable conditions."
The Trump administration makes no bones about trying to discourage asylum seekers; and Ansly Damus was certainly getting discouraged.
For more than a year, Ansly's only visitor had been his pro-bono lawyer. Until one day, out of the blue, Melody Hart and Gary Benjamin showed up.
"He'd been in jail about 14 months when we decided we would apply for-- to be sponsors," Melody said.
Melody, a financial consultant, and her husband, Gary, an attorney, learned about Ansly through a friend.
They went to visit him; but even that was an arm's length proposition.
"You sit there and you pick up the phone and you look at him in a monitor, and he sees you in a monitor," Melody said.
Now, here's the problem, noise level, hard to hear, you don't speak French, he doesn't speak English at that point.
"I don't understand Melody," Ansly said. "She talk and I… yeah."
But he understood he had a sponsor.
"After Melody and Gary come, I-- my life change," Ansly said.
It was the difference between a life of isolation and having a support network.
"What we could do is put money in his commissary account," Melody said.
"He wanted to be able to go to the commissary because he couldn't get soap or toothpaste or a toothbrush," Gary said. "They didn't hand those out, you had to buy them."
To give him a connection to the outside world, Melody and Gary started sending Ansly photos of their house to show him where he'd be living when he came out.
"'Here's your room, here's the yard and here's the dog,'" Melody said. "But then we'd take pictures of the seasons because he hadn't seen it. So we took pictures of the leaves turning we sent him snow pictures."
Loneliness, though, remained a constant problem.
"He wanted more companionship," Gary said. "So we started talking to people about sending him letters and sending him cards. And when we couldn't go on some Sundays, other people would fill in."
Which is how Ansly's Army got its start. It's forces rallied outside the ICE office in Cleveland, urging his release from jail; and they began holding regular meetings. At this point, Gary and Melody still hadn't been officially approved as sponsors. Ansly's release from jail was rejected on the grounds that he was a flight risk and lacked community support.
"So we did our second application," Gary said. "We tried to make it bulletproof. We got our bishop endorsing us, three doctors, a local judge, a priest, a rabbi. It was a pretty good showing of support in the community."
And it was rejected again.
"Flight risk and-- and not enough contact in the community," Gary said.
That's when the ACLU filed a petition stating that Ansly's detention was unlawful. The government was keeping him locked up indefinitely and denying his release without providing any evidence.
"We went to court and we chartered a bus and got Ansly's Army on the bus," Melody said.
Melody said 35 people showed up for Ansly.
"We filled the courtroom," Melody said. "They had to pull in more chairs."
Which clearly had the intended impact on the judge.
"And she said, 'Well, you know, it says here that he has no community ties. Who are all these people?'" Melody said. "And she says, 'So I'm just gonna cross that off if that's not a valid reason.'"
And, last November before the judge had a chance to rule, the government finally agreed to release Ansly from jail, on the condition that he wear an ankle bracelet, and live with his sponsors, Melody and Gary, while his asylum case is being appealed.
Ansly's Army is still active. Last winter, they held a fundraiser raising $10,000.
He is studying English diligently, in class and also with volunteer tutors from his army.
He now gets himself to one part-time job doing maintenance at a church. He also works part-time as an electrician restoring houses.
As for the troops in Ansly's Army, they're involved in more of a crusade than a military operation
"A reason why I got involved is because I felt that the way Ansly was treated was so un-American," one member said. "I wanted to stand up for principles that I think are important for this country."
"I think we're all people of faith, deep faith," another said. "In our values and how we treat other human beings."
Which brings us back to Gary and Melody and that upstairs bedroom, now occupied by Ansly Damus. All in all, it could be two years before his asylum case is finally resolved.
In the meantime, Ansly video-chats with his wife and kids every day. And, yes, he is thinking about how and when he can bring them to Cleveland.
"I told my wife all the time - Cleveland is very cool," Ansly said. "I don't have life before. People in Cleveland give me my life."
Death of historian Michel Hector
Haitian historian Michel Hector, who was also a university professor, died on the evening of Friday, July 5 in his private residence in Nérettes (Petion-Ville). Hector was recently in Cuba for medical treatment. He was 86 years-old.
In a note, the Ministry of Culture says to be "saddened" by the death of the historian Michel Hector.
"[...] He was a generous and rigorous researcher and university professor, extremely loved by his students. A simple man, of a rare humility, sometimes profound but always accessible [...]."
Also reacting on the news of his death, Gary Bodeau, the Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies said "A Mapou fell! Teacher Michel Hector left a huge void in the intellectual landscape, an inestimable loss for the university community. His contribution to the knowledge of popular movements is immeasurable. That his soul rests in peace!"
Michel Hector, was a historian and professor at the State University of Haiti. He served as Director of the Center for Sociological and Historical Research, President of the Haitian Society of History and Geography and of the Committee of the Bicentenary of the Independence of Haiti (in 2009).
Michel Hector, wrote several socio-historical works in collaboration with the sociologist, Laennec Hurbon. He is also the author of several books including, "Genesis of the Haitian State" (1804-1859) published by Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l'Homme (Paris, 2009). In 2016, he received the "Jean Price-Mars Medal" for his various works in the field of research in human and social sciences.
Credit: HaitiLibre
The Haitian passport increasingly limited in the world!
In the latest “Henley Passport Index 2019” report released on July 2, 2019, which ranked 106 countries globally based on the freedom of movement of their citizens, Japanese and Singapore passports occupy the top 2 places allowing their citizens to travel to 189 visa-free destinations around the world.
The Haitian passport occupies 95th place out of 106 countries, a decrease of 6 places compared to 2018 (89th) and 10 places compared to 2017 (85th). The Haitian passport allows travel in 2019 to 49 destinations but only in 3 countries without a visa. In the Caribbean: Barbados and Dominica and in South America: Bolivia. The Haitian passport is the most limited in the Caribbean and Latin America.
The French Embassy is recommending caution to French citizens living in Haiti
As a result of a planned two days of anti-government protests scheduled for Saturday July 6 and Sunday July 7 2019, the Embassy of France in Haiti urged French nationals living in the country to exercise caution. The French diplomatic representation in Haiti advises its citizens to avoid traveling during these two days and to build up water and food reserves.
Truthout, June 29, 2019
Washington Meddling in Haiti Neglected by US Press
By Jane Regan, FAIR
Tens of thousands marching in the streets nationwide to denounce government corruption, reports of police and gang violence and murder and a downwardly spiraling economy. Calls for the government to step down.
If this were Venezuela, as recent FAIR analyses pointed out, elite media journalists and commentators would be all over the story. After all, they’ve been endorsing Washington’s blatant and repeated imperialist designs and interventions in that country for over a decade.
But this is not Venezuela. It’s Haiti.
Not that Washington has always opposed regime change in the world’s first black republic. A decade ago, presidents Bush père et fils approved and backed coup d’états twice, in 1991 and 2004, against Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a left-wing populist chosen in the country’s first free elections. As with Iran and Venezuela, those were what The Intercept’s Jeremy Scahill (2/20/19) called “Regime Change We Can Believe In.”
But unlike Aristide, and unlike Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro, President Jovenel Moïse is Washington’s “man in Port-au-Prince.” He was hand-picked by Michael “Sweet Mickey” Martelly, the previous Washington-approved president, and had pledged to follow his “Haiti Is Open for Business” neoliberal policies.
Is that why corporate media are not calling for the replacement of the Haitian government? In any case, they’re doing very little to inform US audiences of the increasingly dire crisis in that country, caused in no small part by the two Aristide-overthrows and a series of harmful US-imposed “free trade” policies starting back in the 1980s.
No matter that tens of thousands are in the streets. Moïse stays.
Even though the 2016 Haitian elections were largely discredited, and only 21 percent of the population even bothered to vote—“the lowest participation rate for a national election in the Western Hemisphere since 1945,” according to a report from the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti—the US government has consistently backed Moïse.
Even though the US State Department warns travelers of “crime, civil unrest and kidnapping”; even though Moïse has been accused by his own government auditors of benefiting from an “embezzlement scheme” in connection with the Venezuelan Petrocaribe program, which financed billions of dollars worth of post-earthquake projects; even though the economy continues to deteriorate, with many public institutions closed for over a week and state employees going unpaid for over a month; even though the UN says the country is experiencing a “humanitarian crisis”; even though violence and lawlessness are on the rise (a recent UN report implies police were present at the “La Saline massacre,” which involved the murder and dismemberment of at least 26 people and two gang rapes in one of the capital’s poor neighborhoods), and even though the massive protests against the Petrocaribe corruption scandal are more than mere demonstrations—they are an “uprising.”
To give them credit, a few corporate media outlets—like the Miami Herald (6/4/19) and NPR (6/11/19)—have done some good stories on the protests and the scandal, as well as on the La Saline massacre.
But most news outlets don’t even run AP stories, and aside from some opinion pieces, reporting has not dug too deep.
Worse, the Miami Herald’s June 19 story on a “fact-finding” delegation from the Organization of American States (OAS) did far more damage than just sticking to the shallows. Reporter Jacqueline Charles acted as an information conveyor belt for empire when she cited an unnamed OAS “official” who was doing more than “find facts.”
The article—headlined “OAS Tells Haiti Opposition to Back Off”—quoted the anonymous official seven times, giving the opposition and protest movement its marching orders. “If you don’t like Moïse, the solution is to beat him at the ballot box,” Charles quoted the official. “We are not going to ask him to resign.”
That’s funny; not long ago, the OAS did ask a president to resign.
On January 19, the body voted to “not recognize” Maduro as president of Venezuela, saying that his election had been faulty, and that it was concerned
about the worsening political, economic, social and humanitarian crisis in Venezuela resulting from the breakdown of democratic order and serious human rights violations.
That laundry list could if anything be applied more easily to Haiti. But the message the OAS sent to Haiti through the Miami Herald was the opposite.
But was that really a message from the OAS? Or was it from the hemisphere’s hegemon?
At least one of the organization’s ambassadors, Sir Ronald Sanders of Antigua, penned a statement over the weekend to denounce the delegation, saying it was not official and lacked a formal mandate from the body. He noted that it represented an increasing “pattern of ignoring established procedures and authority.”
Unsurprisingly, the visitors—who met with the president behind closed doors, and then left without giving any official statement—were led by US Ambassador Carlos Trujillo. Score one for empire?
By the time the letter from the Antiguan ambassador hit a few Haitian media outlets, the Miami Herald’s “scoop”—or more accurately water-carrying—had been translated and circulated throughout the country.
Haitian and foreign readers and viewers would be so much better served if corporate media could follow the advice of its own codes of ethics, like the one from the Society for Professional Journalists which says, “seek the truth and report it,” “do no harm”—and “consider sources’ motives before promising anonymity.”
Jane Regan is a multimedia journalist and scholar who has worked in and on Haiti for almost three decades. She is currently working with a multimedia, multi-language ‘reconstruction watch’ partnership in Haiti called Ayiti Kale Je-Haiti Grassroots Watch-Haiti Veedor. The partners are AlterPresse, Sosyete Animasyon Kominikasyon Sosyal-SAKS, Rezo Fanm Radyo Kominoté Ayisyen-REFRAKA, the network of women community radio journalists, and a group of community radio stations.
Haitian Football Federation President Yves Jean-Bart: “We have shown that we can compete with the best in the area”
Haitian Times - Haitian Football Federation President Yves Jean-Bart spoke Wednesday on the overall performance of The Grenadiers following Tuesday’s 1-0 loss in extra time to Mexico in the Gold Cup semifinal.
“it is not surprising to see Haiti grow in football in the region,” he states, adding later that they have been progressing since 2013 through playing great matches against Spain and Italy and putting on good performances in the 2015 Gold Cup and qualifying for the 2016 Copa America tournament.
President attends the 40th Regular Meeting of Caricom
Haitian Times - President Jovenel Moïse attended the 40th Ordinary Meeting of the Caricom Conference of Heads of State and Government in Saint Lucia Wednesday to discuss preparations for the upcoming UN General Assembly meeting.
Moïse was accompanied by Foreign Minister Bocchit Edmond and met with Norwegian Prime Minister Erna Solberg and United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres.
Joao Gilberto, the father of the Brazilian bossa nova, died
Brazilian singer Joao Gilberto the last survivor of the fathers of the bossa nova, a syncopated rhythm of Brazilian music died in in his home Rio de Janeiro. He was 88 years-old.
With Joao Gilberto, the pianist-composer Tom Jobim and the poet-diplomat Vinicius de Moraes, the nova bossa song “Chega de Saudade” burst onto the airwaves in the summer of 1958. It became an international hit and launched the bossa nova movement.
Bossa nova is a style of Brazilian music, which was developed and popularized in the 1950s and 1960s and is today one of the best-known Brazilian music styles abroad. The phrase bossa nova means literally "new trend" or "new wave".
Gilberto was a giant of bossa nova, and is often credited with helping develop the sound of the genre that brought Brazilian music to the world.
The musician's famous collaboration with the American jazz saxophonist Stan Getz, "Getz/Gilberto," won album of the year at the Grammy Awards in 1965. It's still only one of a few jazz albums to do so, according to Columbia University's Department of Music, which awarded Gilberto an honorary doctorate of music in May 2017.
In the mid-1960s, less than a decade after the movement started, the music was pretty much silenced by a military dictatorship that clamped down an all outside political and cultural influences. Gilberto, who had moved to the United States after recording Getz/Gilberto, remained until 1980. Upon his return to Brazil he was heralded for his contributions and recorded with many of the younger musicians who had been part of the Tropicalia movement that incorporated rock and psychedelia into the subversive music aimed at the dictatorship.
Gilberto continued to perform well into the 21st century and has been recognized by every generation since his debut as a Brazilian musical pioneer.
Credit: Agence France-Presse, CNN and NPR
With Miami expecting deportations, some tips on your rights if ICE knocks on the door
Miami is facing mass deportations as early as this Sunday, sources told the Miami Herald.
The deportation efforts, originally planned for late June, were delayed after media reports revealed the plans for mass deportations in major cities, including Miami.
The U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement effort will focus on people “who have been issued final deportation orders by federal judges yet remain at large in the country,” a Trump administration official confirmed. Agents will also ask household members for their immigration documents when making arrests.
Here are some frequently asked questions about ICE detainment:
WHAT HAPPENS IF IMMIGRATION KNOCKS ON YOUR DOOR
The Florida Immigrant Coalition released the following recommendations if an immigration agent knocks on your door.
▪ Don’t open the door.
▪ Ask to see the judicial warrant, which can be slid under your door. It must have your correct name and address and be signed by a judge. If the document does not have that information, say that you do not authorize their entrance and that you will call your attorney.
▪ Remain silent until you speak with your attorney.
▪ DO NOT provide any information on your background, place of birth or when/how you came to the United States.
▪ DO NOT sign any document that you don’t understand.
Experts recommend you do not lie about your place of birth, how you got into the country or about whether or not you’re a U.S. citizen.
WHAT IF I’M A NATURALIZED IMMIGRANT? A PERMANENT RESIDENT?
Naturalized immigrants or permanent residents can tell ICE their citizenship status, but if they cannot immediately provide documents to prove it, they may be detained. Experts recommend they keep relevant documents with them, such as a permanent residence card or green card. If you don’t have them, stay calm and silent.
HOW TO FIND SOMEONE DETAINED BY ICE
Immigrants held in an ICE detention facility may be located using the agency’s Online Detainee Locator System. Friends, relatives and attorneys can also telephone any Enforcement and Removal Operations field office.
The online searches can be done by A-number, the nine-digit number starting with the letter A assigned to each foreigner during any immigration procedure, or by biographical information, which requires the name and surname of the immigrant detained as well as the detainee’s country and date of birth.
From Little Havana to Little Haiti, migrants' fear of Trump's raids is felt in Miami
Hundreds protest in Homestead, advocates work to keep migrants informed
By Christian De La Rosa - Reporter, Glenna Milberg - Reporter, Andrea Torres - Digital Reporter/Producer
"Right now there would be more than 20 people waiting here, but it's empty because everybody is scared," Ortega said. "Nobody wants to go out."
President Donald Trump's warning that a nationwide immigration enforcement operation is set to begin on Sunday has sparked fear in areas of Miami-Dade County, targeting thousands of migrants with final deportation orders.
"They are going to take people out and they are going to bring them back to their countries or they are going to take criminals out and put them in prisons," Trump told reporters on Friday.
The order will also apply to migrant families whose cases were fast-tracked by judges and Venezuelans who have found refuge in South Florida. In an attempt to protect asylum seekers, the American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit Thursday.
Immigration advocates are working to raise awareness about immigrants' rights and organized protests Friday. Hundreds of protesters met outside of a detention center in Miami-Dade County's city of Homestead.
Jorge Marrero said he just wants the nightmare to end. He owns a nail salon in Little Havana and his business is suffering.
"Some of my clients don't want to go out and about," Marrero said in Spanish.
Miami Mayor Francis Suarez wants residents to remember that Miami Police Department officers will not be getting involved in the federal operation.
"We don't get involved in immigration enforcement," Suarez said.
Advocates are asking migrants to find out if they have an order of removal by calling an automated information line at 1-800-898-7180. If the case isn't in that database, they are directing migrants to immigration attorneys.
The Florida Immigrant Coalition is offering migrants help and guidance at 1-888-600-5762. They are advising migrants to avoid opening their doors to immigration agents and to keep and memorize an immigration attorney's phone number.
For more information from advocates, text the word "protection" to 313131.
The secretary general of the United Nations said Wednesday he is “alarmed” by the findings of his human-rights investigators on a 2018 massacre in a Haiti slum, as well as the lack of any judicial action against the accused, including two former Haiti National Police officers and a current government official.
“The allegations of complicity by at least two police officers and a representative of the State call for authorities to act swiftly to bring to justice those who are responsible for the crimes,” U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres said in his first public comments about a U.N.-issued report on the November 2018 massacre in Port-au-Prince’s La Saline neighborhood.
Haiti-based human rights organizations have put the death toll in La Saline as high as 71. U.N. investigators , who acknowledged that their probe was not exhaustive, say at least 26 people, including a 10-month-old and 72-year-old, were killed. The killings took place over two days and were “a well-planned operation” carried out by five different gangs, the U.N. said.
Witnesses reported that a Haitian government official, the appointed delegate for the West region, was seen in the company of police officers and gang members during the attack. One of those police officers had previously been implicated in another massacre in the Grande Ravine slum of Port-au-Prince a year earlier. As in La Saline, no legal proceedings have been initiated to date in relation to the Grande Ravine killings.
‘If Haiti gives me a government, we can work together toward a better future’ | Opinion
BY JOVENEL MOISE
JULY 12, 2019 08:11 PM, UPDATED JULY 12, 2019 08:11 PM
The past few weeks have been some of the most difficult of my presidency. Haitians are no strangers to political instability. Politics is etched into daily life in Haiti — debated in the street and daubed on walls across the country. Political differences are healthy and inherently Haitian. But the current instability comes with a cost we cannot afford to pay.
It has plunged Haiti into a state of gridlock. With a minority in Parliament refusing to vote on the appointment of a government, last year’s budget sat gathering dust, and no easy solution is in sight. So many people require urgent attention: According to the National Council for Food Security, there are approximately 7 million living in poverty, 3 million of whom live in extreme poverty; 350,000 Haitian children do not attend school; and 100,000 children under 5 are malnourished. Haitians have understandably taken to the street demanding answers to pressing questions — and demanding action.
It’s right for the public to hold me, as president, accountable for this country’s governance. I hold myself accountable as well. I was elected by the people with a mandate to improve Haitians’ lives. Each day that our politicians spend fighting among themselves at the expense of the issues that matter to the people — opportunity, safety, rule of law and good governance — is one day too many. I accept my responsibility for that. It is time others do, too.
I am working day and night to fix the current crisis. That has meant trying everything possible to bring together groups for dialogue to find a path forward, no matter how acrimonious the disagreements. It has also meant answering questions that the Haitian people have for me.
The PetroCaribe corruption crisis has plagued our country. Anger is palpable and entirely understandable. For my part, I took to the airwaves to directly answer allegations made against me in a report about PetroCaribe funds. Before running for office, I was a banana farmer and then a successful agricultural entrepreneur in northern Haiti. In 2014, my company was contracted to renovate a road that had fallen into disrepair. The report incorrectly alleges that the work was not done, and that the funds were therefore stolen. That is patently untrue — Agritrans renovated three kilometres of unmetalled road, 85 percent of the total, despite being paid just 35 percent of the total due, or 15 million gourdes. I invite any interested observers to travel to the road and drive along it today.
I have addressed this subject directly and on several occasions. I hope Haitians will see the accusations for what they are: a tool to further the cynical political and financial interests of a small group of people who have been abusing weaknesses in our system for a long time. The PetroCaribe wrongdoing is a decade-old problem, and genuine justice is long overdue. In this hyper-partisan, fractious environment, honesty and justice are distant goals. That is why I am working with the Organization of American States to assemble a team of independent international financial experts for a commission that will work around our broken politics to deliver a fair, credible, objective audit so that Haitian judges can pursue accountability for anyone found to have committed crimes and stolen from the Haitian people.
Appointing this commission is the only way for Haiti’s political system to return to the business of governing. And our first order of business must be to appoint a new government. I have certainly done my part, making compromises in the formation of my own cabinet. Numerous members of the opposition will receive cabinet posts under my proposals. I am ready to go, we need to get moving. There are no excuses left.
The appointment of a government will unlock billions of dollars in development funding that currently sits waiting for our empty parliament to act, earmarked for our electrical grid, agricultural projects and the health and education of the Haitian people. These monies form part of a Citizen’s Development Plan secured from our allies in the United States, Taiwan, Europe, and international financial institutions — it must not be sacrificed on the altar of politics. This is the cost of political gridlock.
While this development plan is crucial and stands to affect Haitians across the country, gaining access to those funds is not the end of the road. We need to think farther ahead. We need to break the cycle of political chaos, thinking past the upcoming parliamentary elections in October and past the end of my administration.
This will be a primary goal of the government I form. I will serve until the end of my term in 2022, then leave office. But without serious, sober reform and commitment to changing who we are truly working for and how we are working for it, the next president — and the president thereafter — will be condemned to face the same challenges that I and those who preceded me have faced. And the people and our country will wind up with nothing.
Working closely with international partners, we will need to design and legislate effective reforms for transparency that have real teeth and give Haitians a sense of accountability and trust in elected officials. We will need to de-politicize and strengthen our electoral commission — to inspire genuine confidence ahead of October’s parliamentary elections. To pass these and other measures, we will need to work together across party lines. Nothing meaningful can be done alone, and I pledge to work with all sectors and parties in Haiti.
We all must be willing. This is difficult and important work that needs to begin immediately. Our country and our people deserve to have hope. They deserve a democratic system that works and a government that gets things done.
The people are waiting.
Jovenel Moise is the president of Haiti.
Read more here: https://www.miamiherald.com/opinion/op-ed/article232622617.html#storylink=cpy
Few Signs of Immigration Raids Outside of New York City | Newsmax.com
The head of Immigration and Customs Enforcement said efforts to deport families with orders to leave the country will continue after an upcoming national sweep that President Donald Trump said would start Sunday.
But just after noon on Sunday, there were few reports or signs that the raids were being conducted.
Immigration attorneys and advocates around the country said they had not heard any reports of ICE activity.
"We've not heard anything," Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms said on MSNBC on Sunday morning.
Ken Cuccinelli, acting director of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, would not confirm that the raids had even started.
"I can't speak to operational specifics and won't," he said on CNN's 'State of the Union.'
New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio said he was getting reports that a nationwide crackdown on immigrants facing deportation is already underway in his city.
The sweeps were expected to start Sunday, but de Blasio tweeted on Saturday that the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency had already taken action in New York.
The mayor said ICE agents did not succeed in rounding up any residents of Brooklyn's Sunset Park neighborhood and Harlem.
Immigrants who've been given orders to leave the country are government targets in at least 10 cities.
Advocates are coaching them on their rights, including instructions not to respond if agents knock on the door unless shown a warrant signed by a judge.
De Blasio has said his city would not cooperate with ICE.
A group of Chicago aldermen and activists were patrolling the city on bike to look for immigration authorities detaining people as part of broader federal immigration sweeps.
Roughly 65 people were taking part in Sunday's bike patrol, which is focusing on the immigrant-heavy neighborhood of Albany Park on the city's northwest side.
Alderwoman Rossana Rodriguez said the idea is to keep people informed. She said bikers would ride in shifts, possibly for several days.
She said an attorney is also available to help people who do get detained.
The Wall Street Journal reported that ICE agents went to residences in the Harlem section of Manhattan and Brooklyn’s Sunset Park neighborhood. The agents were rejected by people at the residences because they didn’t have warrants, but plan to return to Sunset Park tomorrow, the Journal reported.
Elsewhere, however, immigration experts said they were seeing few if any signs of a massive dragnet.
The Miami Herald reported that South Florida advocacy groups redirected their efforts from helping detainees to spreading information and awareness of immigrant rights.
"At the ICE central processing facility in Miramar, all was quiet. No agents were seen entering or leaving the building before sunrise, and only a single RV was stationed inside the fenced-in center," the Herald reported.
"Also quiet were hot lines set up by attorneys and others who had been anticipating the removal of thousands of immigrants with deportation orders. They had not received any calls from immigrants or their families seeking help Sunday morning."
Immigration sources told the Herald that it’s possible that ICE agents had not acquired the warrants necessary to carry out the removals.
Matthew Albence, the agency's acting director, said targets were on an "accelerated docket" of immigration court cases for predominantly Central Americans who recently arrived at the U.S. border in unprecedented numbers. Similar operations occurred in 2016 under President Barack Obama and in 2017 under Trump.
"This family operation is nothing new," Albence told The Associated Press. "It's part of our day-to-day operations. We're trying to surge some additional resources to deal with this glut of cases that came out of the accelerated docket, but after this operation is over, these cases are still going to be viable cases that we'll be out there investigating and pursuing."
The operation will target people with final deportation orders on 10 major court dockets, including Chicago, Los Angeles, New York and Miami. Albence said that doesn't mean arrests will be limited to certain areas. Authorities will go where their investigations lead, even if it's five states away from where the case is filed.
Trump said authorities were "focused on criminals as much as we can before we do anything else."
"It starts on Sunday and they're going to take people out and they're going to bring them back to their countries or they're going to take criminals out, put them in prison, or put them in prison in the countries they came from."
The operation further inflamed the political debate over immigration as Trump appeals to his base with a pledge to crack down on migrants and Democrats cast the president and his administration as inhumane for going after families.
The Obama-era family operation in 2016 resulted in about 10% of those targeted being arrested, and the 2017 effort had a lower arrest rate, Albence said. Other operations that have targeted people with criminal arrest records have yielded arrests rates of about 30%, aided by access to law enforcement databases.
"If you have an individual that's been arrested for a criminal violation, you're going to have much more of an investigative footprint," Albence said.
Administration officials have said they are targeting about 2,000 people, which would yield about 200 arrests based on previous crackdowns. Trump has said on Twitter that his agents plan to arrest millions of immigrants in the country illegally.
It is highly unusual to announce an enforcement sting before it begins. The president postponed the effort once before after a phone call with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, but immigration officials said it was also due in part to law enforcement concerns over officer safety because details had leaked.
But they're pressing ahead with this one, even though the president and other administration officials have discussed the long-planned family operation for months.
"Nothing to be secret about," Trump said. "If the word gets out, it gets out because hundreds of people know about it."
The operation will target entire families that have been ordered removed, but some family may be separated if some members are in the country legally. Albence gave a hypothetical example of a father and child in the U.S. illegally but a mother who isn't
"If the mother wants to return voluntarily on her own with the family, she'll have an opportunity to do so," he said.
Families may be temporarily housed in hotels until they can be transferred to a detention center or deported. Marriott said it would not allow ICE to use its hotels for holding immigrants.
If ICE runs out of space, it may be forced to separate some family members, Albence said. The government has limited space in its family detention centers in Texas and Pennsylvania.
"If hotels or other places do not want to allow us to utilize that, it's almost forcing us into a situation where we're going to have to take one of the parents and put them in custody and separate them from the rest of their families," he said.
Meanwhile, activists ramped up efforts to prepare by circulating information about hotlines and planning public demonstrations. Vigils outside of detention centers and hundreds of other locations nationwide were set for Friday evening, to be followed by protests Saturday.
Haiti’s government is hurting for cash. It just hired yet another lobbyist in D.C.
“Haiti should be focused on domestic problems to provide medicines to hospitals, potable water to its population and education to its youth,” said Gary Bodeau, the president of the Lower Chamber of Deputies. “That amount of money could be used in a more efficient way, not to satisfy lobbyists to promote a political agenda.”
The country’s designated prime minister still can’t get confirmed. Civil servants and diplomats in its foreign embassies aren’t getting paid. And hospital staffs are dealing with rolling blackouts and a dire shortage of blood .
Despite the ongoing turmoil, however, Haitian officials appear to once again be more concerned about their image in Washington.
According to forms filed with the U.S. Justice Department, the international law firm Dentons US LLP is now working for Haiti, the third lobbying shop on the cash-strapped government’s payroll. The global public relations firm Mercury, hired back in February 2018 to soften Haiti’s image after President Donald Trump reportedly derided the country as a “shithole” during a White House meeting, remains active. So does Johanna LeBlanc, a consultant hired by the country’s Washington embassy in March.
Mercury, which has helped Haitian President Jovenel Moïse and other government ministers land opinion pieces in major U.S. dailies including the Miami Herald, said it was to be paid $4,690 a month in a 2018 filing until December, and then continue on a month-to-month basis thereafter.
In her March 2019 filing, LeBlanc said she was being paid $5,000 a month until September to interact with “U.S. government officials and public entities in order to promote the interests of the State of Haiti and its citizens in the United States.”
Dentons, meanwhile, is charging a flat rate of $25,000 per month for 12 months, for what it describes as legal advice on various matters and lobbying. The firm’s principal contact, David Tafuri, did not respond to a Miami Herald inquiry about the scope of its work on behalf of the Haitian government.
Haiti Foreign Minister Bocchit Edmond, who is listed as Dentons’ contact in the June 28 filing, would not provide specifics on what the international firm will be tasked with, and why the country needs a third firm to lobby for its interests. (A fourth firm is also registered, but it has been contracted by the Association of Haiti Industries to set up meetings for government ministers in order to push for extension of the Caribbean Basin Trade Partnership Act.)
“A state has the right to contract the service of a firm at the same time identifying the kind of service it is seeking,” said Edmond, referring to the ongoing contract with Mercury, which he said the government is currently “reconsidering.”
“We are not dissatisfied [with] Mercury. I must admit they have been very helpful. But we wanted to assess Dentons’ work. We just contracted them so we are on [a] trial period,” added the minister, who in a June letter to Haiti’s diplomatic missions abroad acknowledged that the country was having financial difficulties and “it has been some time since you have received your pay.”
While it is not unusual for countries to hire lobbyists, the latest decision raises questions about Haiti’s priorities at a time when hundreds of millions of dollars in foreign aid are stalled because there is no functioning government to vote on a budget, and the Parliament has refused to even vote on an accord to receive a $150 million low-interest loan from the Republic of Taiwan to revamp the capital’s electrical grid.
Recently, the finance minister announced that tax revenues had fallen by more than 35 percent due to the ongoing protests and instability, and the World Bank predicted a 0.4 percent annual growth rate for Haiti — far less than the 2.8 percent forecast.