US Vice President’s Call with Haitian President Michel Martelly
The Vice President spoke today with Haitian President Michel Martelly, continuing their dialogue on the United States’ long-term support for Haiti’s reconstruction, development, and democratic progress. The Vice President commended President Martelly for his efforts to reach a negotiated agreement with the Haitian parliament and political parties to allow Haiti to hold elections. The Vice President recognized that President Martelly made several important concessions in order to reach consensus, and expressed disappointment that Haiti’s Parliament did not pass an electoral law before lapsing on January 12. The Vice President reiterated the support of the United States and the international community as President Martelly works to organize timely elections this year to permit Haitians to exercise their democratic right to choose their representatives. He also reaffirmed that the United States remains Haiti’s committed friend and partner and looks forward to deepening bilateral cooperation as President Martelly’s Administration works to build a more prosperous and secure future for the Haitian people.
Dominican Republic “seals” border on Haiti turmoil
Santo Domingo - Dominican Republic’s Defense Ministry has "sealed" the border on Haiti political instability, with heightened patrols by highly trained troops, ready to act against any adversity.
Haiti opposition groups on Wednesday (January, 14) called for civil disobedience, which further jeopardizes President Michel Martelly’s Administration.
The measure however doesn’t include additional troops, according to Border Security (CESFRONT) director Carlos Aguirre, who affirmed that there are enough soldiers to patrol and deal with any problems that could emerge in the heels of the call.
He did confirm constant patrols along the entire 370 kilometer border, which in his view has attracted the attention of many people.
The official said the implementation of ‘Operation Shield’ has halted the illegal entry of more than 15,000 Haitians or nearly 1,000 daily, just in the first two weeks of January.
Aguirre added that the forces deployed are well equipped to patrol the area and affirmed that precautions have been taken to avert any regretful situation at the border.
Every Haitian detained while trying to enter illegally is subjected to a thorough background check to determine their true identity and arrest Haitian fugitives, a Defense Ministry source told diariolibre.com.do.
Dominican Republic arrests prosecutors, 21 cops after 1 ton of seized cocaine disappears
SANTO DOMINGO, DOMINICAN REPUBLIC (AP) – A court in the Dominican Republic has ordered the arrest of three prosecutors and 21 police officers accused of not reporting drug seizures involving more than a ton of cocaine that has since disappeared.
Among those accused is the former director of an anti-narcotics unit, who is among the dozen of suspects that have been arrested. Authorities are still seeking to arrest the remainder.
"In one way or another they became drug traffickers," said General Prosecutor Francisco Domínguez. "This type of situation is unacceptable."
One of the three drug seizures occurred in September near Santo Domingo, where 950 kilograms (2,000 pounds) of cocaine were discovered but never turned over to authorities, he said.
Domínguez said he believes some of the drugs were sold, adding that some suspects have turned over the cash from the alleged transactions. Authorities are still investigating whether some of the drugs were returned as part of a bribe.
The investigation began in December after Police Chief Manuel Castro noticed the missing drugs.
The arrests are the latest in an ongoing crackdown on corruption in the Caribbean country's police force.
A 2011 Amnesty International report found that some 12,000 police officers were accused of corruption between 2007 and 2010. It is unclear how many of those cases were tied to drug trafficking.
Help could have been better
(THE ECONOMIST)
In future disasters the West should not treat the victims or the government like bystanders
FEW countries have suffered an earthquake so devastating, or have been less prepared for such a calamity. The quake that struck Haiti on January 12th 2010 killed perhaps 200,000 people—no one is sure how many—left 1.5 million homeless and caused economic damage equivalent to 120% of the country’s GDP. A cholera epidemic compounded the misery. These disasters called forth the biggest-ever outpouring of humanitarian relief, worth some $9.5 billion in the first three years after the quake. The well-wishers vowed, in the words of Bill Clinton, who helped co-ordinate their early efforts, to “build back better.” Yet five years later, the country is little better off than it was before the disaster—and in some ways it is worse.
The most visible devastation has largely been cleared away. Only about 85,000 people are still stuck under plastic in displacement camps. But many of the rest have moved to makeshift dwellings in slums without sanitation. Port-au-Prince, the overcrowded capital of an over-centralized country, is more jammed than ever. If another earthquake hits, the death toll might be even higher. Corruption, shoddy infrastructure and political instability discourage private investment, which Haiti desperately needs to bring down unemployment and raise its pitiful wages. A ferocious battle between the president, Michel Martelly, and the opposition came to a head on January 12th, when parliament’s mandate expired. This leaves Martelly free to govern by decree, which will do nothing to reassure Haitians or investors.
How did so many humanitarians bearing so much cash accomplish so little? The failure to “build back better” contains lessons for those who would rush to help when disaster strikes an impoverished country.
Haiti before the quake, though not quite a failed state, was a fragile one. A tortured history has stunted its institutions. It took a slave revolt and payment of crippling reparations to free Haiti from France. America marched in to enforce payment of debts in 1915 and did not fully withdraw until 32 years later. Many senior officials died in the quake that flattened the capital in 2010, further enfeebling the state.
But the rescuers did little to build up Haiti’s capacity to govern itself. Less than 10% of spending for relief and recovery went through government agencies. That is chiefly because many officials were corrupt and obstructive. The government demanded big fees to allow in medicines, vehicles and other relief supplies, for example. Local NGOs received even less. Foreign aid agencies set up a logistics compound where they held meetings in English. That helped them co-ordinate with one another but left Haitian organizations in the cold.
This spurning of Haiti’s institutions came at a high cost. Eager to impress donors at home, aid agencies built clinics, but the government was left without money to pay doctors and nurses. Foreign contractors saw far more of their money than did local businesses. The mistrust of officialdom was understandable, but experience in other poor countries shows that it is possible to funnel money through governments while strengthening their ability to monitor how it is spent.
It could have been better
“Non-traditional” donors such as Venezuela did not circumvent Haiti’s government. Some of the money from its PetroCaribe program, which lets participants buy oil with credit on subsidized terms and invest the profits from reselling it, was usefully spent on infrastructure. But this encouraged Haiti to accumulate debt. Should Venezuela, whose economy is suffering from the slump in oil prices, withdraw its subsidy, Haiti now risks disaster. The country needs grants, not more debt.
The progress from being a fragile state to becoming a functional one is inevitably slow. The World Bank reckons that even the fastest reformers require 15-30 years to move from Haiti’s level of institutional development to Ghana’s. Yet today’s political crisis suggests that Haiti may be moving in the wrong direction. Outsiders can do little to stabilize democracy in the country. But the 2010 tragedy could have been an opportunity to work through its institutions rather than around them, making them stronger. Unfortunately, Haiti’s friends did not make the most of it.
Earthquake: Warning for the region
PORT OF SPAIN, Trinidad (CMC) – The Seismic Research Centre (SRC) of the University of the West Indies (UWI) is warning the region to “move expeditiously” towards building resilience amid predictions of the Caribbean being hit with an earthquake with a magnitude of eight or larger.
“We must develop, legislate and enforce Building Codes using up-to-date seismic hazard maps based on the latest available science. Preparedness measures at the individual levels are insufficient and greater efforts are needed to facilitate self-resilience,” the SRC said in a statement as it marked the fifth anniversary of the magnitude 7.0 earthquake that rocked Haiti in 2010, killing an estimated 300,000 people.
The SRC said that the earthquake in Haiti “should have been the wakeup call for a fundamental shift in regional mechanisms for coping with seismic hazards”.
It said major earthquake disasters around the world have stimulated similar shifts and resulted in greater resilience to seismic hazards in these regions.
“This has not happened in the Caribbean and the region continues to be extremely vulnerable to seismic events,” the SRC said, adding “research suggests that the region is capable of generating an earthquake of magnitude 6.0 or larger every 3-5 years.
“Of more concerns, we are long overdue for a magnitude 8.0 earthquake, which has 32 times more energy than the Haiti event. In light of these sobering facts, it is imperative for the region to move expeditiously towards building resilience to such events,” it added.
The SRC said that while there have been advances in many areas, “the effectiveness of the implemented strategy from country to country still needs to be measured.
“The need for broad based impact assessments for seismic hazards and risks is now greater than ever with clearly established short term and long term objectives. Every year that passes without the necessary measures being in place is a year closer to a repeat of the Haiti disaster. Now is the time to be ready,” the SRC added.